L5.3
L3.4
8.6
5.7
L5.7,
For rural areag, appropriate {but not necessarily low-
level) technology and technica} training should be
essential c nte of integrated rural development
programmes,
Overail science and technology policy will be integrated
with specific sectoral science and technology policies, to
produce the right mix of e#kilis, products, services and
know-how for those sectora. These sectore}) licies will be
used directly te support the economic and social
deve lopment necesaary to eatiafy basic needs and improve
quality of life for all.
in the economic sectors, predominantly in manufacturing,
mining and agriculture, technology te » direct input into
the production process. Policies for Research and
Development, for incrementa) innovation and for the
protection of intellectual property rights (e.g. patente)
are necessary to enable technical change to occur. The
degree of protection accorded to intellectual property
rights shall be consistent with the optimum requirements of
our economic policy.
In the socio-economic sectore technology choice wili play
® major role jn the equitable provision of health and
education, and in infrastructure development in both urban
and rural areas,
Telecommunicationa, energy and water resources are common
to both the economic and socio-economic cate orles. Broad
ANC policies for telecommunications, electric ty and water
supply incorporate:
1 Technology provision, social need and economic policy
providing access to these essential services for all}
South Africans;
2 The equitahje allocation of these resources between
industry, agriculture and domestic consumers;
3 The democratjsation of the control of utilities which
provide theese services.
eeeeaea
M. MEDIA
Ml. ESTABLISHING A DEMOCRATIC MEDIA
South Africa has been a ciosed society, with many
reatrictiona on the flow of information. Le isiation, the
structure of ownership of media resources, akillsa, language
policy, and secja} deprivation have undermined access to
67
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information for the majority of the population.
The ANC believes the transition to democracy in South
Africa entalls a movement from a closed society into one
based on a free flow of information and a culture of open
debate.
At the core of democracy lies the recognition of the right
of all citizens to take part in society's deciaion-making
process. This requires that individuals are armed with the
necessary information and have access to the contesting
options they require to make informed choices. An ignorant
society cannot be democratic.
The ANC asserts that mere declarations of media freedoms on
thelr own are not enough, These freedoma must be
underpinned by an equitable distribution of media
resources, development programmes and a deliberate effort
to engender ai cuiture of Open debate. This requires
Policies of affirmative action to redress the inequalities
in our society,
The ANC is committed to media freedom and various
mechaniama to bring it about, A Media Charter which sets
out broad principles to promote these [freedoms wii)
contribute lmmennety to the democratic procens, flements of
Auch a Charter willl find expression in a constitution and
bill of rights; while others will be realised through
relevant leqisiation. Still others will serve as social}
guidelines,
The outcome of negotiations depends on the assertion of
these rights. It is crucial, therefore, to strive for these
freedoms way ahead of the advent of democracy. An open
negotiations process - in which the public is informed
about developments and itae) f participates in the debates -
is a necessary prerequisite for a democratic transition.
BASIC RIGHTS AND + REEDOMS
-t The basic principle around which our Media Charter should
revolve is maximum openness within the context of a
democratic constitution and bill of rights. Thus, tor
instance, it would be #rroneous to advocate the setting up
of bodies which determine what society should and shouid
not read, hear or watch. Rather, judicial procedures should .
be effected if and when civil rights are threatened or
violated. Media freedoms should be understood in the
context of other citizens' rights such as the right to
privacy and dignity.
The citizens’ right to Privacy, dignity and any other
freedoms entrenched in the Bill of Rights shall not he
violated in favour of the free flow of information.
M2.) The media shall strive to interact with society as a whole;
68
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»i The
-6 Affirmative action,
wechaniama) of reply regarding Information and
opinion published about thea, fe ok Pe
All people shall have the right of accese to information
held or collected by the state or other eocial institutions
subject to any limitations Provided for in a conatitution
and bill of rights,
All people shall have the right freely to Publish,
broadcast and othervise disseminate
opinion, and ehall have the right of
information and opinion,
information and
free access to
All media should subscribe to @ Standard of Practice and/or
Code of Conduct agreed upon among the producers and
distributors of public information, comaunications and
advertising,
There shall be no restrictions on private broadcast ing
initiatives beyond the accepted constitutional constrainte
and technical regulations arising out of legislation
governing media,
DEMOCRATISATION OF THE MEDIA
forms and mediums of mase communication will take
account of the divereity of communities in respect of
geography, language, gender, interests and prevailing
levels of literacy.
Measures will be taken to ensure that all communities have
access to the technical means for the receipt and
dissemination of information, including electricity,
telecommunications and other facilities.
All communities will have access to the skills required to
receive and disseminate information, including the skills
of reading and writing,
Ownership of media resources, production facilities and
distribution outiete shail be eubject to anti-monopoly,
anti-trust and merger legislation.
Affirmative action will be implemented to provide
financial, technical and other resources to those sectors
of society deprived of such means.
in terms of race and gender, will be
*pplied to allow access te and control of the media
institutions. This includes ensuring the participation of
women in managerial positions on these media bodies.
69
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M4.3
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PUBLIC MEDIA
Media resources in the hande of the state shall be used to
Promote and strengthen democracy, which vould include
monitoring the media for gender and tace biases.
The state shall maintain a publi broadcast ing service
which shall serve society as a whol® ahd Give a voice to
all sectors of the population.
Such @ public broadcasting service shall be independent of
the ruling party or any other interest group.
There should be etructure(s) yereeemee for public medias
and thie (these) should be “based and act eae
facilitator(s) to ensure fair scees@ to air time and
resources.
¢
MEDIA WORKERS
Society and the state shell atcive te create the naceasary
environment in which the gathering, processing and
dissemination of information can be conducted without
restrictions,
Nedia-workers shall be protected against intimidation and
other forms of pressure which inhibit their work,
Media-workers shall be protected by law from disclosing
their sources of information. '
Medla-workers shall have the right to form or join trade
unions, political and other organisations of their choice,
and they shal! enjoy the rights accorded to all other
workers,
EDUCATION AND TRAINING
The state and media inatitutions shall provide facilities
for the training and upgrading of media-workers.
In the provision of skilis, account hall be taken of the
need for affirmative action in favour of those who, because
of racism, sexism and other discriminatory practices, are
disadvantaged,
Training programmes and school corricula shail
mechanisms aimed at empowering Communities in
endeavours to publish and to broadcast,
include
their
A@ part of civic education programmes, the state and media
institutiona shall strive to infors citizens and media
workers about their media rights and duties.
PROMOTIONAL MECHANISMS
70
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7.2
47.3
M).4
47.5
In order to promote and monitor the realisation of these
freedoms, independent etructures shall be set up for
defined sectors of the media, including advertisers and
their agencies,
These structures ahall be representative of media-owners,
workers, political parties, civil society, relevant experts
and others.
Standards of Practice or Codes of Conduct are necessary to
eneure the implementation of the above principles, and
these shall be e@eetablished through a democratic process
involving the major media parties.
An ombudaperaon ehal) be appointed to receive and act on
complaints relating to the infringement of the above
principles; and euch an appointment shall aleo be made
through o democratic processa.
Society shall have the right to challenge decisions of aii
theese eatructurea and persone in a court of law or
constitutional court.
eanees
N, ARTS AND CULTURE
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GENERAL PRINCIPLES
A flourishing cultural life is vital to the well-being of
South Africa. The ANC strives to facilitate and celebrate
cultural production that captures the diversity, complexity
and vibrancy of aij South Africane. The right‘of all South
Africane to practice their celigions,uphoid their cultures
and epeak languages of their choice should be promoted and
protected,
The ANC recognisea that through arts and culture @ sense of
national identity and pride can be cultivated. Arts and
culture are thug a entially unifying force in a country
@ivided siong ethnic and cultural iines by apartheid.
Thriving and thought-provoking artistic and cultural
practices can contribute to a democratic and tolerant
socio-politice! environment. A aingle national department
to promote arte ang guiture should be created, The national
anthem and flag, pbelng symbols of apartheid should be
replaced by symbola@ of national unity. The monopoly over
public syebole and pares should give way to a sore diverse
range, representative of our whole population.
Arte and culture ere pot the property of any one political
party or group. Consequently the ANC belleves that state-
funded culture) inatitutions should be non-sectarian. while
it is the governments duty to actively support artistic and
74
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Ni.
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Ni.
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cultural production, such support must be severed. from
party political interest. Public funded, non-sectarian
artistic and cultural institutions that serve ali of South
Africa'tea communities and all our cultural workers are
central to ANC policy. Arts Councile will be established to
foster and promote the arts and to assist both professional
and amateur artists and cultural workers. Such councils
with atiow for the representation of cultural workers an
these bodies.
Parastatal cultural inetitutionsa have aimost exctusively
promoted Eurocentric art in English and Afrikaans in the
white and black communities. Arta and culture in the black
communities, moat notably in the rural areas, have received
Negligible state support, specifically the imbalances
between rural and urban sreaa should be addressed. ANC
cultural policy aims to redress the imbalances inherent in
our society both in terms of race, clase and gender. In
particular our rich and diverse artistic traditions in the
fine arts, IJiterature and music must be nurtured and
promoted, 66 must alternative and under-represented
traditions,
Arts education and training institutions must be
eatablished and appropriate programmes must be incorporated
in all educational institutions, achools, teacher training
colleges, technicons and universities, with particular
emphasis on black schools which have been grossly neglected
in the past. Art exhibitions and performances wili be
included in school programmes, Where arta education has
been undertaken under the present aystem the content has
been biased in favour of eurocentric high art and
indigenous art has been denigrated. A conscious effort to
promote, document and research Seuth African and African
forme of cultural expression should be made. The ANC will
promote artiste’ and writers’ associations which explore
and encompass the diverse cultural values within South
African society.
Arts and culture should assist in transforming customs and
practices that oppress or discriminate against women. anc
policy will, through @ programme of affirmative action
strive to increase the participation of biack people and
women in ail spheres of the arte and culture, including
participation in the direction and management of state-
funded cultural institutions.
Apactheld policies have resulted in an alarmingly high rate
of illiteracy amongst the black population, especially
Africans. ANC policy will strive to raise the national
level of literacy and numeracy, particularly as literacy is
& precondition for many forma of creative and artistic
expreasion,
The ANC supports freedom of expression. Wowever if a
confiict arises between the principle of freedom of
*
72
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expression and constitutional rights, it ehall be resolved
by the Constitutional Court.
Nt.9 Cultural centres, with appropriate facilities should be
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entabiivuhed in disadvantaged communities in order to
promote ai! the art forme, The ANC recognises that a broad
Spectrum of South Africane should have the opportunity to
pursve and appreciate the arts Including the music,
photography, fine and performing arts. In thie regard
access to training should be promoted, ,
10 Apartheid language policy, applied through group areas
and separate education legislation has had the effect
of dividing our people into ethnic groupe, The anc
Strives to actively promote and develop multi-
lingualiem as a way of building national unity. A
multilingual national literature, especially in the
African languages, will be promoted.
i The ANC recognises the need for progressive labour
and copyright lawa that protect the rights of cultural
workers. Together with a programme of public
education, such laws will attempt to eliminate and/or
monitor the breach of copyright and, in particular,
record piracy.
42 The public broadcasting service will be required to
commission and broadcast an appropriate quote of South
African programmes, including those that have hitherto
been exciuded.
» PROMOTION AND PRESERVATION OF CULTURAL HERITAGE AND ART FORMS
-1 ANC policy recognises that well-stocked libraries should be
established throughout the country, in both rural and urban
centres, to encovrage a reading culture among ali our
people;
ANC policy recognises that arts and crafts should be
preserved, promoted and exhibited as part of our national
heritage and production of arta and crafts should be
Supported and encouraged in our communities.
A comprehensive and accessible archive of South African
photographic material, both past and Present, should tw
created,
HNeriteqe resources and facilities, including those
previously neglected, shovld be popularised, preserved,
democratised, be open and belong to all South Africane and
should serve as community resource centres. Community needs
will be Integrated into the eppropriately restructured
management of heritage resources,
-5 The ANC belleves that a democratic state should allocate
73
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funds to the arts, which funding suet be fairly and widely
distcributed and for the enrichment of the country, not
merely for profit. Further funde for the arte should be
raised from the private sector and taxes raised on local
and overseas commercial exploitation of cultural producta.
The AWC will encourage cultural excha between the people
of South Africa and those of the rest of the world. This
exchange must take into account the views of cultural
workers and asaociations and promote local developmental
programmes and international undetetanding, without
exploiting the local arts and culture Industries.
In view of the fact that the film and video industry has
been dominated by the influence of the apartheid etate, the
ANC belleves that a National Flim Council showld be
established. The council will) be tesponeible for the
administration of public funds @et aside for the
development of the film and video industry. This council}
shall examine the viability of establishing professional
training centres in file and video and conducting research
into the structure of the industry,
LANGUAGE
-} South Africa is a multilingual society with a large number
ef languages. ANC policy will recognise, protect and
develop all languages and ensure that 11 citizens will
have access to afl spheres of the nation’s Life.
To overcome the practical probleme of multi-lingualism, it
will be possible to designate a single common Language to
be used for record purposes or fot other special use,
either at the national level or in the regions. All the
major languages spoken in our country should be equally
available for such purposes {in alphabetical order -
Afrikaans, English, Ndebele, Pedi, Sotho, Swati, Taonga,
Tavana, Venda, Xhosa and Zulu). Other languages spoken by
Seuth Africans - such as Portuguese, Tamil, Hindi,
Gujerati, Hebrew, Urdu and Arabic, and others, will be
respected and promoted.
All South Africans will be free t@ use any South African
lanquage of their choice in dealings with the state. Within
the ilmitations of reasonableness eteps will be taken to
eneure that no citizens who sh filiterate or whose
knowledge of a particular language ie limited, will thereby
be impeded in their access to public services, or in the
realisation of their rights as citizens.
in order to ensure the removal of Linguistic barriers to
understanding and participation ftom #1) spheres of the
nation's life
N3.4.1 It would be necessary to develop language services,
74
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auch ae the provision of interpreting and translation.
All South Africans will have the right of educational
access to ekilje in the languages of their choice to
participate fully in national regional and local Life.
N}.5 The ANC policy wh}} further the development of all our
lanquages, in a}} aspects of life, to angender respect for
Leogundee concen and to prevent the use of any language
or languages for the purpose of domination or division. A
programme of affirmative action will be implemented in
respect of langueges whose status wae reduced under
apartheld.
OQ. SPORT AND RECREATION
Ol.
PREAMBLE
Ol.) The ANC sports policy is closely linked to the development
Ol.
of the non-racial aports movement in South Africa, which we
have supported. We have actively encouraged unity amongst
the various non-racial codes and the establishment of
umbrella sporting organisations. This has been done in the
belief that sport and recreation will facilitate the
promotion of national unity through developing a united
national pride transcending cultural, linguietic and racial
barriers, ae vel} aa enhancing international reiationa and
fclendship.
Succeasive governments .in South Africa have systematically
promoted sport jn and ehsured the provision of sporting and
recreational facjlities for the white community, to the
exclusion of the majority of bieck people in the country.
in apite of thia, many disadvantaged sports persons have
made commendable achievements. The ANC will be guided by
policies of affirmative action for the benefit of all
people, with particular emphasis on disadvantaged
communities. Key to redressing imbalances will be an
extensive, integrated and sustained sports deve lopment
warerert: Deve jopment is thus key to ANC sport and
on
recreat polley, - '
O02, BASIC PRINCIPLES oe
02.1 Participation jn sport and recreation is a right of each
and ever ee and not a privilege. Facilities and
cxunitlee ta panet and recreation aust be open to all.
These must be open irrespective of age, physical condition,
claas and gender. edie
02.2 These principles can only be realized through development
programses which are expressly aimed at faciiltating
increased participation in sport and recreation in the
black communities, villages end rural areas across the
country. This requires programmes aimed at the development
75
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of grassroots sport. It is therefore leperstive that sport
and recreational facilities be an integral part of al}
community development programmes.
The development of sport in our communities wil) contribute
to the health, general quality of life and productivity of
the population aa a whole.
Sport is also an effective meane through which to redrese
gender inequalities and discrimination against the
disabled. The ANC, in line with ite other affirmative
action policies on gender, will promote the participation
of women in different sports codes, adminietration,
training and advancement. Thia will be done with the
intention of breaking the past racial privitege and
domination of men in particular sports.
THE ROLF OF THE GOVERNMENT
The democratic state, through a ministry of sport and
recreation, will be responsible for the promotion of sport
and recreation by providing facilities at educational an
community centres as well as institutions for the disabind
The autonomy of the sports movement will be guaranteed and
legislation protecting individual sporte persons, codes and
organisations from political manipulation, will be
established,
The government shall appoint a statutory body, the Mational
Sportea Commission, for the purpose of regulating the
promotion and development of sport and recreation.
The National Sporte Commission will lieise closely with ali
national sports organisations for the advancement of these
objectives. :
ADMINISTRATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF SPORTS
The National Sports Commission, acting in concert with the
relevant organa of civil society will be entrusted to set
up sports academies for the training of sportspersons,
administratora, coaches and other officiais,
Educational inatitutions will be provided with qualified
teachers responsibie for physical education and recreation
as sport will be an integral part of the curriculum,
Clear guidelines will be drawn up regarding the sponsorship
of aports development, aimed at correcting the imbalances
within underprivileged communities. The private sector will
be encouraged, through the provisions of incentives, to
eponsor sports development.
Provision be made by management to encourage full worker
participation in aport; arrangements for those who excel in
76
specific .competitive codes be made with the unions
concerned that his/her perforeance ia not impaired by work
conditions,
04.5 The National Sports Commiasion shal) establish a national)
rural sport and recreation development programme to redress
the historical neglect of black rural communities with
regard to sport and recreation facilities and activities.
OS, SHORT TERM/TRANSITIONAL POLICY PROPOSALS:
Oo.) A® a result of *partheid, most sports codes ere non-
existent or weak within the Black community. This has a
retarding effect an development and the unification
process, In the transitional period the ANC's attitude
towards sport ia guided by the following:
US,EL) Continued facilitation, encouragement and monitoring
of the unity process on national, regional and tocal
level, the existence of concrete affirmative action
developmental programmes and agreement on aymbols not
Assoviated with Apartheld as Prerequisites fur
admission into the world sports family,
O8.0442 Ensuring the democratisation and de-racialisation of
the sports movement in line with the Olympic Charter
and principles of international federations.
93,452 Regular and consistent consultation with the various
sports bodies to enable us to develop acceptable
policy to eneure that a}) present sports development
plans be carried out with a clear view to correct lng
the imbalances caused by apartheid.
OE 8 The typical focus and promotion in the South African
media and advertising during peak recreation times, of
traditionally male sport, excludes most women from
enjoying their right to Sport and recreation, The anc
should strive to address this issue with the intention
of promoting non-sexiam in sport and recreation.
P. PEACE AND SECURITY
Vt. THE CREATION OF LEGITIMATE SECURITY INSTITUTIONS
"i.) tor several decades the regime has relled on its formidable
police, defence and intelligence structures to maintain the
system of apartheid and minority rule in order to suppress
popular resistance to that System. As a result of Total
Strategy, the whole of the South African state and society
became militarized,
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-2 Wational security was pursued primarily through military
and paramilitary means. The effects of thie approach to
security are evident: high levels of violence and crime,
economic decline, regional arms races, destabilization and
perpetual insecurity throughout the sub-continent.
The South African security inetitutions themselves
developed a racist, closed, ®ecretive, undemocratic
Structure, lacking legitimacy in the eyes of the people.
The process of democratization undervay in our country will
not be complete without sddreagsing thie probles.
On the other hand, Umkhonto we Slawe + the People's Army -
represented the cutting edge in the Struggle for a non-
racial and democratic society. Viewed by the majority of
South Africans ae a liberating force, its popular support
was demonstrated at countless rallies, marches and
demonstrations. Ps
The challenge is to addrese not only the security
inetitutions and their composition, but also to go deeper
and eddrese the very nature of secur ity policy itself,
The basic principles underpinning such a policy should be
based on a realistic assesssent of threats to peace,
territorial integrity and personal gecurity.
A WEW APPROACH TO SECURITY
The ANC believes that national and regional security should
not be reatricted to sgpostred police and intelligence
matters, but as having political,,. economic, social and
environmental dimensions. ‘
Under development, poverty, lack of democratic participation
and the abuse of human rights are regarded as grave threate
to the security of people. Since they invariably give rise
to conflict between individuals, communities and countries,
they threaten the security of states as well.
The ANC is committed to the following principles which
underpin a new approach to security in a democratic South
Atrica:
se South Africa shall be committed to resolving internal
and external conflict, primarily through non-violent
means.
aa National security and personal security a@hali be
sought primarily through efforts to meet the social,
political, economic and cultural needs of the people.
Re South Africa shall pureue peaceful and co-operative
relations with neighbouring ateates,
P2.9.4 The security institutions shall be bound by the
principle of civil supremacy and subject to public
78
Q2.3
Q2.3,
The ANC bellevee that society has «a responsibility to
develop and nurture ite youth, to allow them to reach their
full potential in order to make a meaningful contribution
ae individuals and a@ members of society. Their resource-
fulness, energy and enthusiaem must be harnessed to allow
them to play theig meaningful role in our in our country,
The basic valuea for our youth policy are democracy, non-
racialiss, respect for human dignity, non-sexiam, tolerance
and all values encompaseed in the general ANC policies.
The objectivea of our youth policy are to:
1 Address the problems faced by youth who have been
directly marginaileed by apartheid, including young
exiles and political prisonera, with particular
eaphasia on the immediate issues of education,
unemployment and violence;
2 Promote the development of ail South Africa's youth
and implement policies which will prevent the
recurrence ef the marginalisation of our young people
in the future;
a Focus ANC progremmes on the socio-economic development
of the youth;
.4 Develop guiding principles for all governmental and
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) consistent with
the above velues in our society;
5 Set in place n autonomous, broad and representative
structure ‘of youth to coordinate and develop youth
activition;
Q2.3.6 Encourage @ ‘epirit of understanding and reapect
Q2.3.
Q2.3.
Q2.3.
Q2.3.
Q2.3.
Q2.3.
Q2.3.
between the young and old, parents and children.
? Entrench and promote the rights of young people in a)}i
spheres of qur society, in particular:
7.1 The right be represented in relevant decision-
making structures of the state and other structures,
at ail levela; , ..,
7.2 The right t@ education and to seek snawers;
7.3 Protection againat' violence, crime and abuse;
7.4 The right toe pealth;
7.5 The right ta fecreation and leisure;
7.6 The right te @ stable family life and good care;
Q2.3.7.7 The right te develop to their full potential;
Ls enee seeeinte
Q2.3.7.8 To promote youth eaployment ;
Q2.3.7.9 The full social integration of young disabled persons;
Q2.3.7.10 The right to work within a safe and healthy
environment;
Q2.3.7.11 The right to live in peace and friendship;
Q2.3.7.12 Freedom of belief, cultural expreasion and Language;
Q2.3.7.13 Recognition of the rights of children as enshrined in
the United Nations Convention on Chiidren's Rights.
Q2.4 OBLIGATIONS AND OUTIES oF YOUTH
G2, ¢€,4 The youth policy will recognise the obligations of
South African youth to make an active cantribution to
the development of society, in particular:
07.4.1.) A patriotic obligation to work for reconcillation and
to promote 4 common Sovth African identity;
Q2.4,1.2 A democratic obligation to participate actively in the
political, social and economic Life of the country, to
combat dlacrimination and raciem, and to promote
democratic values;
Q2.4.1.3 An obligation to acquire skills and to play a
productive role in the economic reconstruction and
development of the country. .
Q2.5 YOUTH INTERMATIOMAL,ISM
U?.5.2 To foster tinke with youth in the Southern african
region, the African continent and the world in the -
apirit of friendahip, co-operation and solidarity.
Q2.5.2 To ensure that youth play a role in Shaping foreign
policy.
eeannas
R. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS '
Ri. COMTEXT
Ri.i The foreign policy of a democratic South Africa witli be
primarily shaped by the nature of its domestic policies and
objectives directed at serving the needa and intereats of
our people. ;
R1.2 A democratic South Africa's foreign policy will further be
infiuenced by the emergence of a New Werid Order whose
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major elements include: (
i The collapse of the socialist community of states, the
emergence of a uni-polar worid, whose features include
the increased Influence of the U.$. and ite allies in
world affaire, ae well the division of the world
essentially into three major economic bloce, namely:
the U.S.-led Worth American Free Trade Area {MAFTA);
the furopean Economic Bloc; and the Japanese-led Fast
Asian Economic Sphere.
2 These developments, in turn, have resulted in a
grovlng discrepancy between the developed and
developing countries and, in particular, the
marginalisation of Africa.
A democratic South Africa will be non-aligned and wil! not
etfatiate to any international military bloce.
actively promote
environmental
Africa will
promote
A democratic South
international cooperation to
Lunservation,
TRANS TORMING OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER COUNTRIES
the foreign policy of the Apartheid regime waa an extension
of its oppressive and violent nature, feolated by the
international community, it pursved every means to
circumvent such isolation. Where it covid, it appealed to
narrow self-interest in order to undermine ite iaolation.
Where it could not, it resorted to cocrcion,
destabilisation and military aggression.
ANC policy will contribute to the democratisation of
international political and economic relations, and uo help
secure @ global context within which a democratic South
Atrica will be able to coexist peacefully and to cooperate
on a democratic basis with its neighbours in the reqian and
ferther afield,
A FULL MEMBER OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
A democratic South Africa will actively promote the
objectives of democracy, peace, stability, development, and
putually>beneficial relations among the people of Africa as
a whole, as well as a Pan African solidarity.
A democratic South Africa will establish relations with a}}
countries, and join such international organisations as the
Organisation of African Unity (OAV), the Non-Aligned
Movement, and assume its responsibilities in the United
Nations, as well es rejoin the Commonwealth.
A democratic South Africa will continue as a member of the
international Monetary Fund (({IMF) and the World flank, as
well a9 seek membership of the African Development Bank
85
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R).4 Relations with these and other international financial
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institutions will be conducted in @ way ae to protect
the Integrity of domestic policy Pov en and to
promote the interests of the South: African population and
PCOnemy ,
A democratic South Africa will ' thet it remains «
signatory to the Nuclear Hon-Prolifteration Treaty, ae a
token of its resolve and commiteent te help creste e world
{ree of nuclear weapons as well as other weapons of maus
destruction, In thie context, it will seek to promote the
Africa and the Indian Ocean ae nuclear-free zones and areas
free of foreign military forces and bases,
A democratic South Africa will abide by the relevant
Covenants and Treaties relating to the peaceful ues of
Outer Space, international waters and air-epace, and will
engage in multilateral cooperation in the exploration and
conservation of the universe... ‘
‘
a ‘ t
HEGIONAL COOPERATION, PEACE ANO SECURITY.
inter-African relations will continue ta be bullt on the
basis of regional cooperation, se ise expressed by auch
organisations as the Southern African Dave lopment
Coordination Conference (SADCC), the Preferential Trade ,
Area for Eastern and Southern Africa (PPA) and the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
South African membership of regional organisations will
have to be predicated on the elaboration of an agreement by
ail countries in the region, which will ensure balanced
regional development, so that the inclusion of South Africa
in these organisations does not iepact adversely on the
economies of the member countries. The democratic South
Africa will therefore move away from the position seserted
by the white, minority regime, that Bouth Africa must be
recognised as a dominant regional power,
A democratic South Africa will rationallae ite armed forces
in conformity with ite defence needa.
ONGANISATIOMAL MATTERS
A democratic South Africa will aim for the establishment of
® professional foreiqn service, in which training,
employment equity and affirmative action will be important
components for the attainment of high standards of service.
A democratic South Africa will establish and maintain a
comprehensive foreign information polley and service.
eeeeenae
86
AFRICAN NATIONAL CON GRESS
Observer Mission to the United Nations
W492
AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS (ANC) PROPOSAL: BODY AND
PROCEDURES FOR DRAFTING A CONSTITUTION
The ANC proposes that:
Assembly) shall be as
3. All persons over the age of eighteen (18) living within the 1910 borders and regarded in
international law as South Aticat, shall be entitled to vote.
4, The system of Proportional representation shal] be used.
5. The Constituent Assembly (CA) shall consist
of four hundred (400) delegates and have
a steering committee which will lay down its
procedures,
the principles agreed upon by
tic South Africa) in the new constitution and shall
not contradict such Principles,
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1. THE NAME OF THE CMB Ge@sriticnr “eeug Body
We prefer the term Constituent Assembly. This is the one most widely used internationally.
It indicates that what we are doing is constituting a new South Africa out of the old, and
that we function not as self-appointed individuals but as representatives sitting in solemn
assembly with a eh aps mandate and nay hr procedures. The name in itself is not
crucial, We could it the Congress, after the body which drafted the first great modern
Constitution - that of the USA. What matters is how it is chosen and how it functions, not
who first came up with its name.
2. THE BODY MUST BE CREATED AND MUST FUNCTION IN A DEMOCRATIC WAY.
Since the objective is to install democracy in South Africa, the body must itself exemplify
democracy, At the heart of democracy lies the question of choice and elections, Without
eléctions there can be no democracy.
CODESA has a vital but limited function, namely, to create the conditions for the adoption
of a new constitution, not to draft a new constitution itself. The fact that it is self-appointed
is appropriate to its function, which is essentially that of negotiating the process of transition
from apartheid to democracy. The broad support that it is receiving despite its non-
democratic character derives from acceptance of its limited role. When it has established
the foundation for the process of drafting a new constitution, its historic task will have been
completed. Should it attempt to perpetuate itself and usurp the role of the body it was set
up to create, CODESA will lose its prestige.
No one who genuinely supports democracy can fear elections. Once the racial and colonial
vo are destroyed, there can be no justification for denying the princi les and practice
ocracy. Are we to say that elections are only good for whites in South Africa and
blacks in other countries ? Are we to back democracy in Zambia and in Eastern Europe
and deny it in our own land ?
The dream of the oppressed majority in this country ever since 1910 has been full
participation as ordinary South Africans in elections and the choice of government. The
National Convention that preceded the 1910 Constitution was based on whites-only elections
for a whites-only convention. That ugly beginning to our constitutional life can only be
ed by non-racial elections for a non-racial convention. Elections thus have an
historical healing role to play in our country. They are a part of the process of achieving
independence from which the majority were excluded in 1910; they are a signal that true
citizenship has at last arrived for all.
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When we say that it is elections that give the constitution-making proceedings legitimacy,
we accordingly refer not just to formal international and internal legitimacy, but to
subjective and moral legitimacy in the hearts of our people.
It might be difficult for those who take elections for themselves for granted to understand
what it will mean to those who have been permanently excluded from the electoral process
to at last have a chance to stand up and drop their ballot slip into the ballot box. What the
voters will be asked to decide is who they wish to represent them in the body which drafts
the constitution, By voting they identify actively with the whole process and hence take
responsibility for its outcome.
There will be direct nexus through the elected representatives between each voter and the
final product.
In this way, elections will take away the sense of distance and incomprehension which,
l
unfortunately, at present Separates the general South African public from CODESA.
Elections will be the first step in an open and public process. The people of our country
should be entitled to know at each Step exactly what is being done at the CMB in their
ame. Compromises openly struck, honestly agreed to for purposes of mutual advantage and
fained, Bate © much pee chance of being accepted than those negotiated in
terms of secret ag; C ments behind closed doors. The elector Process encourages openness
“atid” aecountabiliy Ti places the issues before the ne who take an interest in them
erence,
Ratification by referendum
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An after-the-event ratification ered a§ @ serious alternative to involving
the public in elections for the CMB. Far from legitimising the process, it will ensure that
the Constitution is born in an atmosphere of cynicism and erence. A referendum is a
useful means of testing ary opinion in relation to issues where a simple "Yes" or "No"
would be appropriate. It is a grotesque device for ens that @ long complicated
document corresponds to what the. populace (aks ae a Cai ote
The public is placed in the invidious position of pring a simple "Yes/No" to a lengthy
document, much of which wil] inevitably be in technica] language, without the option of
influencing its individual parts,
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There is the added problem of persons being compelled to vote in favour of a constitution
with which they might not agree, simply because to continue with the present racist
constitution would be a greater evil,
All the practical problems and inconveniences said to relate to elections for a Constituent
Assembly would apply to the holding of a referendum.
The arguments against the CMB being elected
The case for elections in the modern world is so Strong that only someone very cut off from
in Wor
contemporary Se ae if. As we understand if, none Of the participants
roup 2 are actually against elections in principle.
Certain participants have, however, raised queries about the feasibility of elections in
current conditions or about the desirability o granting what they call a "blank cheque" to
(i) Violence
The first point made is that there is too much violence in the country for free elections to
be held, and that elections would only encourage further violence (one assumes that this
is meant to express a fear and not to convey a threat),
We are in fact convinced that far form contributing to violence, the holding of elections will
provide an orderly and publicly supervised manner in which the contest for political
leadership can be conducted. It will serve not as a source of violence but as an alternative
The turning point in Namibia from a state of severe internal conflict to a state of peace
ras te holding “of elections for the Constituent Assembly. The way in which the CA
(Constituent Assembly) there conducted its business, based on extensive give and take,
—Bromoted national unity and has until now virtually eliminated litical violence. We have
no doubt that the same process would have the same beneficia? results in South Africa.
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What we should be concerned about is not the fact of holding elections, but how to ensure
that voters are free to exercise their choice and that they are well-informed when doing
so. Elections are held precisely so that different ideas can compete. The stronger the
competition, the greater the need for elections.
(ii) "Simple Majoritarianism" ‘ Abe . i. Ce a ee ea Ache andl! CAP AMA Aceh - argh ‘3
The second argument against having the constitution drafted by an elected Constituent
Assembly is that this would amount to giving a blank cheque to an electoral majority
without respecting the rights and interests of minorities. The term "majoritarianism" is used
in this connection as though somehow it is inherently evil. Add the adjective "simple" and
it becomes even worse.
This approach comes badly from people who hold office on the basis either of no elections
at all or of elections based on principles of simple mayoritarianism,
If the present government were to resign because it has been chosen by means of simple
majoritarianism (times three), then its moral position as an opponent of majority rule would
indeed be powerful. The same would apply if it were to impugn the validity of the recent
referendum on the basis of its simple majoritarian nature, or to deny the validity of all
legislation passed since Union in 1910; with one exception, such laws were always based on
the approval of a simple majority of Members of Parliament who in turn had been elected
on the basis of simple majority (or less) of voters.
The Presidents of France and the USA as well as the Prime Ministers of the United
Kingdom and India have all been elected on the basis of | "simple majoritarianism’.
One cannot escape the conclusion that the arguinents against majority rule are being
advanced not so much because of the principle involved but because of dissatisfaction with
majoritarianism" was good enough for the
1 for the blacks today, unless, that is, they
se, -
promise to vote for thé party presently in o ce, in which case the virtues of 1 majority rule
ht re-assert themselves, The irony of the situation is that while we in the ANC firmly
believe that the principle of free elections and majority rule lies at the heart of democracy,
we do not support what has been called simple majoritarianism for South Africa. We, who
have never benefitted from the Westminster system of government in the past, in fact have
a much stronger claim to opt for a different system than those who for decades have been
advantaged by it.
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More than 15 months ago, the ANC declar
It would not, of course,
proposals for a drafting commission are set out below,
) day-
small in size and would
wishes of the CA in rela
be necessary for the CA to work all |
This commission would be relatively
to-day technical carrying out of the
“be responsible for the
ed its su
wala
the time in plenary. Our
tion to establishing draft terms for the new constitution.
« A. wih. “et hes ft an
One of the Participants has made the proposal, apparently seriously, that the CMB be a
bicameral body. We are unaware of any eaten anywhere in the world for such a
procedure, Indeed, it seems to represent the
those of a legislature, that
science student. These are clear, democratic and
functions of a CMB and
Constitution will emerge from an all-inclusive CA seeking consensus, and that the end result
will be basically acceptable to all South Africans, Wh
We feel that yoni
ori
the majority and min
is designed to maximise
It will encourage reciprocal intransi
Sensitivity to the wishes
two Houses on the basis of ass
¢s, and then setting them agains
rather than reduce differences,
uming inevitable conflict between
t each other on a collision course,
of the majority. The upper House will come generally to be seen as the House of Losers,
and bad Losers at that. What are electi
system of DR OP abroportionats Representation :
& process be that n
inclusive is the process if the third o
from it? What we need are not two houses at
to hér, but-a single, multi-faceted body representing the nation
rules for the realisation of the principle
onistic towards e
in all its variety and Seeking to establish fair ground
that South Africa belongs to all who live in it.
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This ad hoe and spec constructed bicameralism will be e by the en of South
Africans and by the worid at large as a reminder that the cadaver of apartheid still rules
results from trying to democratise apartheid. Elections are held to choose losers. Minority
parties undermine their moral position by being associated, whether they like it or not, with
commission of approximately 40 persons from its Own ranks. These need not be lawyers
or political scientists, but should persons with competence in drafting and in handling
constitutional concepts. The commission should be chosen on the basis of proportional
*
representation, subject to the right of every party represented in the CA having at least one
ber,
The CMB, which should function in Parliament in Cape Town, should be given four months
to complete its work. Should it fail to do so, it should be compelled to dissolve itself so that
new elections could be held. The threat of imminent elections would concentrate the minds
of the delegates,
The CMB would at its first session elect a steering committee on the basis of proportional
representation. This committee would be 1 retponsitts for questions of management. I would
propose rules of procedure and suggest the persons, drawn from the ranks of the CA, who
je © BOISE ! Whew mp seine satdodaia: vauay .
would chair sessions. It would attempt to achieve consensus wherever possible, but if an
issue were to go to a vote, a simple majority should suffice.
The Drafting Committee, on the other hand, should take its decisions by a two thirds
majority. It may submit majority and minority reports to plenary sessions
If a dispute arises in this committee or at the CA as to whether an agreed general principle
has been ignored or contradicted, the problem should be referred to the steering committee,
and if the cia Die sore in turn is unable to find a solution satisfactory to all, the issue
shall be sent to the Constitutional Panel.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL PANEL
The Constitutional Panel would consist of nine persons selected on the basis of their
integrity, representiveness and competence by the CA. We pevgoee that they be chosen
en bloc, with a vote of at least 80% in favour of the panel as a whole. This would conform
with procedures in European countries where the Constitutional Court is nominated by
Parliament.
The members of the Panel would not be members of the CA and would be independent
in their functioning. They would entertain petitions by the Steering Committee, or by at
least 15% members of the CA, in relation to whether draft proposals for the Constitution
contradicts or fail to enshrine general principles agreed to at CODESA. They would also
be called upon to verify that the Constitution, as finally adopted by the CA enshrined and
did not contradict these principles.
The decision of the Panel shall be final and not subject to review by the CA or by the
ordinary courts. While there are undoubtedly persons of great merit in the present judiciary,
the court system as such is seen by the majority of South Africans as a creation of the
apartheid government which appointed the judges and as lacking in legitimacy.
Many outstanding lawyers have in fact refused to serve as judges for this very reason. Only
1 out of approximately 150 judges is not white, and only 2 are not male; if issues of non-
racialism and non-sexism arose, it would be manifestly inappropriate for them to be decided
by all-white and all-male bodies.
In any event, the procedures and time frames of the ordinary courts would be such as
totally to impede the proper functioning of the CA. Decisions at the CA will have to be
taken swiftly so as to enable the constitution-drafting process to proceed,
The Panel will in fact function very much along the lines of the French Conseil
Constitucionel which decides on questions of the constitutionality of proposed laws
submitted to it from Parliament, and which enjoys considerable prestige. Members of the
RY:SL § 2ZRHKB =P PL104 AOtTIOOS18! KOMSK :AG INAS
a
PLATFORM OF GUIDING PRINCIPLES
| ANC/COSATU position presented to the National Conference in
Support of the African National Congress and Other Democratic
Forces for a New South Africa.
November 13-15, 1992
Riverside Church, New York City
1.
Lok
1.2
2.4
this context the process of foreign investment needs to be
assessed with care.
South Africa. Discriminatory practices are widespread, and
the lack of transparency in government is hiding corruption
and inefficiency, and Promoting political violence and
destabilization. Measures to protect the environment are
weak, weakly implemented or non-existent. Investment in such
a context will, therefore, not automatically contribute to
growth, development or the eradication of apartheid.
GUIDING PRINCIPLES
We therefore propose that any investment after the lifting
of the policy of economic sanctions should be guided by the
following principles:
Workers' Rights
Companies should uphold workers' rights including the
recognition of representative unions and their rights to
bargain collectively, to strike, to picket peacefully, and
strike breakers will not be hired.
Investment should enhance employment creation.
Equality of Opportunity
Companies will eliminate all discrimination on the basis of
race, religion, sex, political opinion or physical handicap
and will implement affirmative action programs.
Environmental Protection
Investment must incorporate environmentally sound and clean
practices and technology.
“DISTRICT COALITION
APARTHEID & RACISM
0, BOX 3002
ALBANY, N.Y, 12203
(more)
2.5
3.2
Training and Education
Investment should enhance the productive capacities of South
Africans, and should, in particular, institute training and
adult education programs for workers in consultation with
the trade union movement.
Conditions of Work and Life
Conditions of work and life offered by companies shall
compare favorably with the best conditions in the relevant
sector domestically.
Security of Employment
Investment should contribute to the security of employment
of South Africans.
Empower Black Business
Companies should, where possible, adopt business practices
which enhance the development of Black business in South
Africa.
Implementation
Mechanisms should be put in place to evaluate the
implementation of the above principles, including the
disclosure of relevant information by companies.
It is our intention to have the above principles
incorporated in the future policies and laws of a democratic
government, and these will apply to all investors, domestic
or foreign.
In the interim phase, we will campaign for these principles,
and will support the further development of codes of conduct
along with other democratic formations.
- ends -
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AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS
Mission to the United States
NEC RESOLUTION ON NEGOTIATIONS AND NATIONAL RECONSTRUCTION
Further to our adopted document "Negotiations, a Strategic Perspective” this meeting of the
NEC decides as follows:
1. We reject the National Party's power sharing proposal either for a permanent or fixed
period.
2. In the interest of reconstruction and peace and the need to minimise the potential threat to
democratic advance from divisive forces in the period immediately following the adoption of the
new constitution, we declare our support for an Interim Government of National Unity (IGNU)
which would exist up to the point of the adoption of the new constitution. After the adoption
of the new constitution the |GNU would continue in the same form as a Government of Nation-
al Unity and Reconstruction in order to phase in structures provided for in the new constitution.
The GNUR would exist for a specified limited duration, whose term would come to an end by
the first election under the new constitution, which would be held no later than five years after
the elections for the CA.
3. Such a GNUR shall be governed by the overriding principle that minority parties shall not
have the powers to paralyse the functioning of the executive or to block the process of restruc-
turing, more particularly:
(a) It shall be made up of an executive in which there will be proportional representation of all
the parties elected to the CA subject to a minimum threshold of 5% of the seats in the Con-
stituent Assembly.
(b) The President shall be elected by a simple majority of the Constituent Assembly
(c) Representatives of minority parties in the cabinet shall be apointed by the President in
consultation with the leaders of each party in question. The President shall have the right to
insist on an alternative if the person proposed by such leader is, for specified reasons, unac-
ceptable.
{d) In general the President shall exercise his or her executive powers after consultation with
the cabinet.
(e) In the case of certain specified powers the President shall exercise his or her powers in
consultation with the parties represented in the cabinet. in the event of a disagreement the
President's decision shail require support from 2/3 of the members of cabinet.
(f) The specified powers mentioned in (e) are still to be negotiated and before an agreement is
reached in this regard a detailed mandate will have to be obtained from the NWC sitting with
either the chairperson or secretary of each region.
RO. Box 15575 Washington, D.C. 20003 (202) $43-9433'4 FAX/Telex (202) 543-9435
4. The meeting further reaffirms its positions concerning the Constituent Assembly that the
Constituent Assembly shall be a sovereign Constitution-making body which will be bound only
by agreed general constitutional principles. It should be composed of representatives elected on
the basis of national and regional lists. It would take decisions by a two thirds majority. Matters
pertaining to the powers and
functions of regions will also require an additional two thirds majority of the regional represen-
tatives sitting as a whole. The Constituent Assembly should complete its work as quickly as
possible and not later than nine months after its election.
The NEC will continue to negotiate the issue of an effective deadiock breaking mechanism
which would be used in case the Constituent Assembly is unable to conclude its work within
the specified time frame.
5. The meeting of the NEC resolved that work should continue to build a national consensus
on the question of future regional government, through discussions with other parties and
organisations. All decisions concerning the powers, functions, boundaries and Structure of
regional government should be decided by the Constituent Assembly. Any Commission on
Regions that may be established by a multi-party forum would, apart from delimiting electoral
regions for the Constituent Assembly elections, only make recommendations to this Assembly.
6. Programme of Reconstruction and Development
In endorsing the package concerning inter alia a Government of National Unity, the NEC af-
firmed that such arrangements must, during the transition period itself, be reinforced by an
effective programme of reconstruction and democratic transformation.
The ANC immediately needs, to embark on a process to consolidate its ranks, supporters and
those of the broad democratic forces around a transitional strategy to empower the oppressed
majority. This will entail:
(i) identifying those key sections of the organs of state that require restructuring as a matter
of priority.
(ii) evolving an affirmative action programme, with definite time frames, to reconstruct the
organs of state in conformity with a democratic society;
(iii) a far-reaching programme of social and economic reconstruction to address the pressing
needs of the majority of South Africa; :
(iv) @ process of consultation and mobilisation of mass democratic forces and the convening of
a conference on reconstruction and broad Strategy. Such a conference to be held within four
months.
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Pusiness and military sectors in El Salvador who are opposed to
the Peace Accords.
To make sure these changes become irreversible and to
deepen the democrauzation in our country, the FMLN is
proposing to boldly enter into the Government in 1994. For the
1994 general elections, we intend to form a broad opposition
bioc that will bring in all the political and social forces who are
committed to deepening the changes begun in the Peace Ac-
cords. For the FMLN, this means devising a pluralist policy of
alliances that can involve sectors such as Christian Democracy,
Social Democracy, Social Christians, organized labor and coop-
erative sectors, women's organizations, environmenialists,
Christian base communities, and all those who agree on the goal
of ensuring that the past of militarism and repression shall never
again be repeated in our homeland.
it
[ is essential to ask ourselves what the Peace Accords repre-
sent in the long path of making the revolution in El Salvador.
Measured in the context of our history and our reality, they rep-
resent a great advance. Nevertheless, they are not everything. In
our judgment, what we have begun in El Salvador is a new
Stage of struggle in more favorable conditions — but it certainly
represents struggle on the political, ideological, economic and
social terrain.
In this stage, the great tasks of the democratic revolution
itiust be fulfilled completely: To establish a political system of a
pluralist character, that responds to the needs of the majority, re-
spectful of human rights and civil liberties. To plant the bases of
a More just socioeconomic system, that can overcome the pre-
semt Oligarchic and neoliberal model by one that includes a
strong popular pole, with enterprises owned by the workers and
individual small and medium business people, that ensures that
these sectors can be productive, competitive, and influential in
the national economy. The foregoing is possible only if the plu-
rality of forms of property is ensured, in such a way that the pri-
vate capitalist forms can coexist interrelated with and compie-
mentary to the collective (cooperatives and other associated
forms of a social character) and state forms, Additionally, the
new participation of our economy in the world economy must
be favorably resolved.
Democratic revolution means advancing effectively in the
demilitarization of the country, with the dual proposition of
eliminating any danger to the full exercise of democratic free-
dom and ensuring the bases for economic and social develop-
ment by reducing high military spending. In this stage, the con-
ditions for our country's exercising an independent foreign poli-
cy im accordance with the interests of our people must be en-
sured, participating in redefining North-South relations.
it is in the framework of this plan and this pace that we pro-
nese the necessity of later passing over to higher forms of social
‘opment, such as socialism. Our idea of socialism is a Sy8-
tem that places into the hands of society, not of the state. the
means of production, distribution and communications, as well
as economic development, the political system and the govern-
ment, which presupposes recognition of the diversity of ideas
and parties.
Lo pated he: hg Khig ht CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS
The role of the state should be concentrated in supporting
and ensuring social development and gradually become weak-
ened as a coercive apparatus. to give way tO a growing perfec-
von of social organization and self-development.
Our idea of socialism is inseparable from democracy, for
only democracy can provide the channels of expression for the
various thoughts and interests present in society. We declare
ourselves in favor of a democracy which transcends the concept
of representative democracy, and which can open the doors to
direct participation of the popular majority in the great decisions
of state. This democracy must also include the establishment of
mechanisms of popular control over the Organs of state power.
We who fight for socialism must make efforts to redesign
the model we offer, to draw lessons, from the POSitive as well as
negative aspects of the experience left us by the countries of the
East. It is important to study more deeply the Original thought of
the founders of socialism, incorporating the advances of con-
temporary social science, as well as the dramatic modifications
the technological revolution has introduced into the relations of
production at the local and international level.
in the FMLN, we believe that the socialist proposals of to-
day must be far removed from the failed, rigid models. We say:
“We must think with our own heads, to seek responses to our
own realities.” We believe we are faced with the opportunity to
burst forth with our own thinking, offering a balanced combina-
uon of flexibility and creativity, such as we did throughout the
armed struggle and during the negotiations that ended in the
Peace Accords,
The present century has witnessed impressive social and
political experiments, authentic revolutions in the history of hu-
manity. The coming century will bring us great advances and
great changes. We haven't the slightest doubt that the struggle
for socialist ideals will be one of the great generators of such
changes, since these ideals offer humanity the opportunity to
end the increasingly abysmal misery, hunger, sickness and ever
greater backwardness, and lack of freedom and respect for indi-
viduals and their rights.
Address of Sigfnido Reyes. representing the Political-Diplomatic
Commission of the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front of
Ei Salvador. Reyes is a member of the Salvadoran Communist
Party. Transiation by Buddy Clark.
SOUTH AFRICA
We shall end minority rule
and apartheid in any guise
by Hlatshwayo Madoda
I 1990-91, at a conference called CODESA (Convention for a
Demoxcratic South Africa), both the ANC and the govern-
ment and other groupings committed themselves to a new con-
stitution that would be adopted on the basis of unity, democracy,
nonracialism and nonsexism that would create a new South
——
hehe
PERSPECTIVES FOR DEMOCRACY AND SOCIALISM
Africa. The process started at CODESA has now been dead-
® scked. The problem, fundamentally, is with the ruling white
minority party, which continues to seek ways to guarantee itself
continued power regardless of its electoral support. The regime
insists that the political majority, no matter how large, should be
subjected to a veto by minonty political parties ~ in the main,
white political parties. Unless the government comes forth with
a firm commitment to full democracy hased on internationally-
recognized principles and acceptance of sovereignty, the pro-
Simeead satin niasenotinialarhe sansonirlonsnirnpninitinmralislieahenrsisan
slaughtered.
It is not only the ANC which is pressing the issue of vio-
lence. Other, non-political, independent organizations have
sinted out the de Klerk regime's involvement in the violence.
on independent organization, Community Agency for Social
Equity, has issued re which found that the violence appears
to be switched on
points when it most weakens the ANC and its alliance and dies
wn dramatically when it would most harm the government of
ning the government, and the fr ,
Buthelezi. To the ANC, it is definitely beyond a reasonable
doubt thai the violence in South Africa is both organized and or-
chestrated. It is specifically directed at the democratic move-
ment, whose activists, members and supporters make up the
overwhelming majority of its victims, This constitutes a cold-
blooded strategy of state terrorism intended to create conditions
under which the forces responsible for introducing and ¢n-
wenching the system of apartheid would also have the possibili-
ty of imposing their will on a weakened democratic movement.
It is widely acknowledged that agreements the ANC has
reached in the past with the de Klerk government, particularly
those aimed at curbing violence, have not been carried out. For
instance, the government has made no effort to implement
agreements reached bilaterally between Mr. de Klerk and Mr.
Mandela (President of the African National Congress} on cul-
‘al weapons and hostels ~ areas over which it clearly has con-
~gol, And it continues to blame the ANC for the violence. Faced
with the horrendous escalation of violence, as evidenced im the
\ Boipatong massacre and taking place in the context of the nego-
tiations deadlock, the ANC has been forced to withdraw from
—~ Oltlegy es. pltssih— fr ¥ Of
*
to ®
t i
va
Pp WY? CE ded PO Geb Oudvdde~
i
L. Abad Cesd PV ~
LE Mt
Fe , Ne - 2° ,
the fnultilateralhegotiations process. From the ANC’s point of
view, the blame lies squarely with the regime. Only the regime
has the law-enforcement personnel and legal authonty to stop
the violence and act against the perpetrators. The government
has an obligation to protect the lives and property of all the peo-
ple. It has failed to do so.
The central thrust of the violence is to weaken the ANC
erect) wee
democratic movement as a whole. The ANC maintains
that the government is responsible for the violence, both by acts
of omission ~- such as failing to enforce the agreements - and
acts of commission, particularly the role played by its security
structures, International organizations such as the International
Commission of Jurists and Amnesty Internavonal have also
charged the government with failing to act against violence and
failing to bring to justice the individuals involved in the vio-
lence.
No action has been taken in a number of situations where
policemen were involved and Inkatha was involved. Nonethe-
less, Mr. de Klerk consistently points the finger at the ANC.
The ANC believes that de Klerk may, on the one hand, be com-
mitted to a new dispensation against apartheid in South Africa,
but perhaps, on the other hand, may not actually have control
over the security apparatus. The ANC would like to assist de
Klerk, not only in terms of the self-interest of the mass demo-
cratic movement, but also in his own interests, by having the
United Nations involved in monitoring the violence. With the
U.N. physically in the country, monitoring the police and the so-
called violence from the ANC, de Klerk could indeed be free to
carry on legitimate negotiations at CODESA, based on interna-
tionally accepted principles of democracy. We have in South
Africa in 1992 an awkward situation where the vote of Africans
is supposed to count for about three-quarters of the vote of
someone W white. This g at CODE-
SA. The de
vernment Wants everything 10 pass parliament on the
basis of a 75 percent plurality, which would mean totally weak-
ening the vote of the vicuims of apartheid. In U.S. history, Black
people were once counted as three-fifths of a person in appor-
tioning representation. In South Africa, in 1992, our vote is sup-
posed to be worth three-quarters. Obviously, this is unaccept-
able.
This is one of the fundamental problems here. Their per-
ception of the African people is as less than human. In spite of
the so-called new era and the so-called new regime, they sul
hold their fascistic fantasies dearly. Although the ANC is pre-
pared to negotiate for a dispensation that will accommodate all
South Africans, including the reactionary whites, it is dealing
with people who are still wearing cold war blinkers. De Klerk
does not see our struggle for freedom as being legitimate. He
cannot see the ANC leading the people of South Africa ~ all of
them, Black. white, Colored, Indian. To the contrary, he acts as
if the fascist whites have the right to bring in a new South
Africa. But, they have no capacity to change the country. Even
as we are speaking today, they are engaging in covert anti-
democratic actions. They do not compete openly, democratical-
ly, with the ANC’s new ideas. To the contrary, they murder: not
just ANC people but so-called sympathizers of the ANC.
Apartheid is alive and weil in South Africa. Last year, after
ssoeenenanianena anaaameanaindadenntnaeemmeteneenmmetedmmambteememmaatemmmetenemmesemmmenetnoeee
Mr. de Klerk declared that apartheid was history, President Bush
rushed to lift the sanctions. We need the sanctions now, more $0
a, than ever. Apartheid will not wither away and it will not be dis-
| nantled by de Klerk or Bush. We have to keep the pressure on.
Toward this end, the ANC, the South African Communist
Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and other
democratic forces in the Black communities, such as Azanian
Peoples Organizations and the Pan-African Congress of South
Africa, are all going to be involved in a general strike on Aug.
3. We are asking for solidarity. The ANC views the international
community and its solidarity efforts as essential to our struggle.
Let's keep the faith.
Today's situation is new for everybody, not only for the left
movement in the United States. The situation that is in transi-
tion in South Africa is new both for South Africans and for the
solidarity movement. Recognizing this, the ANC National Ex-
ecutive Council, meeting at the end of May, called on the ANC
t© Organize international solidarity conferences im the areas
where it has been operating mosi effectively: the Pacific Basin,
Europe and North America. At these solidarity conferences, the
ANC will present to the movement its reading of the new situa-
tion, and the solidarity movement will present to the ANC its
reading on new developments. This conference is planned in
November in New York City. These conferences can only be a
success if the grassroots are involved. The comprehensive Anti-
Apartheid Act of 1986 was enacted because of the pressure
from the grassroots. Mr. Reagan vetoed it thrice, but Congress
overruled him. So it's very, very important that the grassroots be
obilized, that they hear directly from the people who are in-
“volved on the ground on the new situation that has arisen and
how the ties, based on equality, should be enhanced.
We share the situation the left finds itself in in this country
today. The ANC itself, as an organization, is still reeling from
the new situation it is confronted with. Not only does it have to
fight against the apartheid monstrosity, but the ANC has to re-
build organized structures within the country, working through
at least three different traditions thal have arisen in the course of
the struggle. The ANC has a tradition of struggle from the UDF
{United Democratic Front - a coalition of legal mass organiza-
tions ~ Ed.]. The second stream is the people who participated
in the struggle by spending mosi of their lives in prison. And
that's a large number of people - noi only in the leadership but
also among the rank and file. The third stream in the ANC to-
day is composed of people like me, people who have spent 29
plus years in exile and struggled in exile. This indicates some of
the tasks that the ANC is confronted with. Thank you for the
support. A luia continua! Amandla!
Address of Hiatshwayo Madoda, deputy bead of the Atrican Na-
tional Congress mission to the United States.
eleteenniitemeteteeet Soe ett een omnes
Seaeamnainied
CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS
Toward a new vision of
democracy and socialism
by Andrea Lederer
CG evening. First, please excuse my mistakes in English.
It's the first time I've given a speech in English. | want to
thank you for inviting me to address this conference. Gregor
Gysi, the chair of the Party of Democratic Socialism in Ger-
many, asked me to greet you and wish your conference all suc-
cess. He is very interested in being in touch with the CoC next
time he's in the United States.
I listened to your discussions today with great interest. A
lot of the questions remind me of discussions we are having in
Germany, and | think these are questions which also concern the
left movement in Europe. This is not surprising because the left
has to act under completely new conditions today.
1 want to inform you a lite bit about the situation in Ger-
many after unification. First, what the German government calls
unification is in reality a kind of political, ideological, social,
economic and cultural annexation of the former GDR [German
Democratic Republic). This is true despite the 1990 elections in
which people voted for the Christian Democrats. The conse-
quences are deep economic problems, a large budget deficit,
and we estimate that it will take 10 or 15 years to equalize liv-
ing standards between east and west Germany. If this is a sam-
pie of imtegration between west and east Europe, it’s not a good
sign. And in eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics
there are problems which are quite similar to or worse than
those in the former GDR.
The social! situation for the people in east Germany is very
bad ai the moment. The rate of unemployment is between 30
and 40 percent, and I know some communities which have 80
percent unemployment. So you can imagine that there is anger
and desperation, and | think the government is a little worried
about this situation. They don't know what sort of movement
may develop.
Women — as is often true - are the main losers in this situa-
uion. In the former GDR, 95 percent of the women worked out-
side the home, and they were also able to have a family. Now
they are the first ones to lose their jobs and they have losi child
care as well, because all the child care facilities that existed in
the former GDR have closed.
Racism is growing. You have probably heard about the re-
cent attacks on refugees and immigrants. We're afraid that the
extreme right wing will succeed in recruiting people by exploit-
ing the social problems, and this is becoming a real movement.
We're giving a great deal of attention to developing ways to
combat this.
What I'm saying wday is not very friendly about the coun-
try | come from, but that is the way we see it. In the arena of
foreign affairs tis German government talks a lot about its
growing international responsibility. The first step they have
planned is 10 change the constitution so that German soldiers
TO LIFT SANCTIONS
Countries Agree to Drop
Economic Embargo
esi ieeacibnsithebie
By ALAN RIDING
New York Times
PARIRLA ~~ Ignoring appeals
from the A National Congress,
the 12-nation European Community
agreed today to lift its remaining eco-
nomic sanctions against South Africa
in response to the Pretoria Govern.
ment’s continuing moves to dismantle
apartheid.
Meeting in Luxembourg, community
foreign ministers said the move would
result in ending a five-year-old ban on
imports of goid coins, iron and steel
repeal important
laws. The South African Parliament is
= to approve this legistation in
uly.
EUROPEAN NATIONS
ON SOUTH AFRICA
, APARTHEID FOES: IGNORED
Citing Moves by de Klerk, 12
-#
' Community officials said the ministers
* Surgued that they had exclusive author.
® diy to decide about the sanctions.
s* A European Community official in
Washington said it was likely it would
Fdake several months to re-establish
» trade lines cut off since the mid-1980s.
»! The official said there would be a
pgood market for South African gold, in |
; &.urope and business could easily reach
» The pre-sanctions levels, but for iron
»jand steel the outlook was less promis-
"ane.
‘* There have been major chan in
? _
» the structure of the European industry,
she official noted, with less need ogre
"gor types of steel supplied by South Af.
"erica.
-* “They must have lost their tradi
‘gional trade lines, and | can’t imagine
‘here would be an immediate pickup,’
said.
am Hussein of Iraq, accusing him of
2 against Kuwait, using
vehemical weapons inst civilians
“and condoning genocide against the
“Kurds.
-*, European officials said that, after
omens Foreign Minister, Hans-
_®ietrich Genscher, made the proposal,
ft was agreed that Luxembourg's For-
eign Minister, J. Poos, would
‘g@aise the issue with United Nations
ign and security policies that wo
Sroable it to play a Ginee eettes Dole te
ture crises than it did in the gulf war.
a tetemnentnbenaitentonnienel
bl
| 1194
l Fr SAanere
atten
ee
reer
re
THE
tions Agree to Lift Sanctions Against South Africa |
could make the white minority Govern-
ment more intransigent,
Saki Macozoma, a spokesman for the
congress, said that Mr. de Kierk
“knows what is needed in this country
and does not need rewards to do it.”’
Mr. Macozoma said Alfred Nzo, the
a secretary general, and
i Mbeki, its international affairs
setretary, had gone to Brussels last
week in an effort to dissuade the Euro-
pean Community from its decision.
U.S. Response to Move
Special a The New York Times
WASHINGTON, April 15 — A State
Nationa
Department official said today that
South Africa, to win an end to Amer-
ican sanctions, still needs to co
with two conditions of the original five
set by Congress in imposing the curbs.
Pretoria has complied with three of
five conditions set by Congress: re-
pealing state-of-emergency regula-
tions, legalizing once- opposi-
tion political parties and entering ne-
gotiations with representative political
groups.
The law imposing the sanctions also
mandates that all political prisoners —
there are between 300 and 1,200 — must
be released. In talks with the African
| Congress
-$3¢842
“the European |
Sift, economic
sanctions :
eAfrica, calling the latest move
vin hsm enrol lendon ais hacen enlist sinner dwg diel ringing
April 30.
Under the law, President Bush may
consulting with Congress before he
said.
ria repeal the Groups Areas Act and
the Population Registration Act, laws
that classify people by race and limit-
ing blacks’ access to land ownership,
The Government has intreduced legis-|
lation to — these laws during the
current parliamentary session,
simproved ec secre vie
treat international relations,” Mr. .@@
lerk said.
ok Mr. de Klerk
athe issue in
Svisits Western
ment promised all would be freed by |
consider modifying the sanctions once |
the political prisoners have been re-|
leased. He has committed himself to}
does that, the State Department official |
Congress also demanded that Preto-{
=
As Panes tn eS FORE a
ss
FROM OUR SOUTH AFRICA CORRESPONDENT
OUTH Africa is being reshaped. Within
ten months, if all goes well, it will have a
new, popularly elected legislature. Lawyers
are drafting an interim constitution to re-
place the present racially structured one.
Cartographers are delineating new regions
to replace the existing four provinces and
the ten black “homelands”.
That was the good news from the negoti-
ating sessions late last week, when a decisive
majority of the 26 parties involved accepted
a compromise fixing next April 27th as elec-
tion day and setting out the framework for
constitution-making. But discord will break
out again when negotiations resume on July
19th, and the interim constitution is tabled
for debate. And—not by accident~-the com-
promise was promptly followed by hideous
days of political slaughter on the streets.
The compromise reached by “sufficient
consensus” on june 30th sought to reconcile
two quite different views of the way ahead.
FW. de Klerk’s government and the African
National Congress argued that the country’s
permanent constitution should be drawn
up by a popularly elected constituent as-
sembly. The conservatives, black and white,
allied in the Concerned South Africans
Group (Cosag), wanted it drawn up by the
Government's nine-region proposal
198 Broadway * New York, N.Y. 10038 ¢ (212) 962-1210
¢ Theend of the beginning
present group of negotiators.
Under the compromise, the nego-
tiating council will approve, maybe
with changes, an interim constitu-
tion drafted by a technical commit-
tee; the permanent one will be writ-
ten by the body elected next April,
which will also act as an interim par-
liament. But the new body will not
have a free hand: it will be bound by
“constitutional principles” adopted
by the current negotiators.
To allay fears of domination by a
powerful, probably anc-controlied,
central mment, the resolution
offered further guarantees: the new
South Africa should have “strong re-
gional government”; the final con-
stitution would be adopted by “spe-
cial majorities” rather than a simple
majority; and a special court would oversee
adherence to the constitutional principles.
Even so, Cosag was unhappy. On July
2nd, when the election date was confirmed,
four ofits six constituents voted against. The
Afrikaner-based Conservative Party and the
largely Zulu Inkatha Freedom Party walked
out. But they say they will be back to debate
the interim constitution. Everything, for
them, depends on that and on
the shape of the new regions, to
be fixed by a special demarca-
tion committee.
The election will be heldon
a list basis, not the present
first-past-the-post system, Half
the new members will come
from national lists, half from
regional ones. So regional rep-
resentatives will help to draft
the final constitution. Re-
gional elections will also pro-
duce regional governments to
operate during the transition.
The stakes are clearly high.
Except for the Conserva-
tives’ dream of an Afrikaner
state, the debate over regions is
unlikely to lead to acrimony.
The government, with the Na-
tional Party, has submitted
two maps, one with seven re-
gions, another, which it pre-
fers, with nine. The smaller
Democratic Party proposes a very similar
nine. The ANC proposes eight regions. The
maps diverge in detail, but not in principle.
All four maps concur on one point: the ex-
isting province of Natal should be one of the
regions, as demanded—non-negotiably, he
says—by the Inkatha leader, Mangosuthu
Buthelezi. Linking the ostensibly indepen-
dent state of Bophuthatswana with neigh-
bouring territory to form one region should
not cause too much fuss.
The trouble will come over the Conser-
vatives’ quest for an “independent” Afrika-
ner “state”—their words—within a confed-
eration. The notion has already been firmly
rejected by the negotiating council; Inkatha
was particularly sharp about it. And others
who like the idea of an Afrikaner homeland
are readier than the Conservatives to accept
demographic and political realities. The mi-
nor Afrikaner People’s Union, for instance,
is seeking a smaller Afrikaner polity within
a federated South Africa, promising that it
would grant citizenship to all its inhabit-
ants, not just Afrikaners.
These differences will re-emerge when
the transitional constitution is published.
Its proposals on the powers and functions
of regional governments will be scrutinised
closely. Cosag wants wide powers for the re-
gions, within a federal system. The govern-
ment too favours a federal system. On this
point, therefore, the balance at the negotiat-
ing table will alter. The ANC shuns the very
word “federalism”, fearing that devolution
of too much power to the regions would ren-
der the central government powerless or
even lead to secessions and the break-up of
the country. The centre must be strong, it
says. The ANC’S chief negotiator, Cyril
Ramaphosa, has already been accused by
ANC militants of giving away too much;
criticisms put into sharp focus by Tony
Yengeni, a former guerrilla fighter, who has
accused Mr Ramaphosa and his negotiating
team of cowering under the table when Afri-
kaner extremist thugs invaded the negotiat-
ing premises on June 25th. Stung by such
criticisms, Mr Ramaphosa is unlikely to be
too accommodating.
THE ECONOMIST FULY 10TH 199)
Tilden J. LeMelle, Chairman
Jennifer Davis, Executive Director
f
198 Broadway * New York, N.Y. 10038 « (212) 962-1210
Mandela’s
Ona Mission
Tours U.S. to raise cash for elections
By Dele Olojede
UNITED NATIONS CORRESPONDENT
Los Angeles ~ In the basement of this city’s oldest
black church, Nelson Mandela stood before 200 peo-
pie Friday afternoon to plead for money for an elec-
tion campaign that would install a government domi- .
nated by blacks for the firat time in South Africa.
That evening, having donned a dinner jacket, he
made the same case to an adoring crowd of Hollywood
glitterati at a private feast hosted by the entertain-
ment mogul Peter Guber, whose guest list of more
than 100 stars and starmakers included Whoopi Goid-
wang, Parers Streisand and Sidney Poitier.
“We need your money,” he
said over and over again, ‘so
that the result of the election
would be a true reflection of
the wishes of our people.”
As South Africa turns to-
ward all-race elections, Man-
dela has shifted the focus of
his organization from that of a
liberation movement fighting
apartheid to that of a full-
fledged political party trolling
for votes.
On a L2-day tour of the
United States that ends to-
morrow, he has played travel-
ing salesman, promoting his country as a business
opportunity, his organization's readinesa to rule, and
his need for millions of dollars to prepare the 75 per-
cent black majority to do what it has never done be-
fore — vote.
Mandela, who turns 75 next Sunday, has held out
his hat to @ congregation in the Bedford-Stuyvesant
section of Brooklyn, one of New York's poorest neigh:
borhoods, and has collected $5,000 apiece from 75
friends of the billionaire banker David Rockefelier
His quest has taken him to union halls in Chicago and
to the wood-paneled meeting rooms of a Washington
think tank, And after a long day Friday, when Eliza-
Established by The American Commitiee on Africa, 1966 « Contributions are tax-deductible
‘We need your money °°
80 that the result of the
election would be a
true reflection of the
wishes of our people.’
~~ Neleon Mandala
beth Taylor and Michael Jackson pulled up in limou-
sines at Mandela's swank hotel in Beverly Hills, the
black-liberation leader received them with much the
same message.
Between now and the elections, set for April, Man-
dela hopes to raise about $40 million for voter educa-
tien and the election campaign, about half of it from
the United States. His aides couldn't say exactly how
much has been raised on thie trip, but estimates
range from $1 million to $1.3 million,
Mandela's African National Congress, the country's
largest political group, is widely expected to win the
elections, and blacka, ita support base, t 19
million of the 22 million
would-be voters. But half of
the black population is illiter-
ate and and lives
in remote te with al-
most no infrastructure. The
ANC has never run an election
campaign; virtually none of its
supporters have electoral ex-
By contrast, ita principal op-
ponent, the formerly whites-
only National Party of Presi-
dent Frederik W. de Klerk, has
demonstrated s capacity for
carefully west-
ern-atyle political vor eg ge. In March last year,
while seeking a mandate for reform from whites, the
party hired the international public relations firm of
Saatchi and Saatchi and won in a landslide.
During his travela here Mandela frequently ac-
knowledged hia rivals’ superior electoral skills. “You
don't win simply because you are a popular organiza-
tion, but because you have the resources to organize
and bring people to the polls," he said Friday
Mandela has pursued a two-track strategy, He has
canvessed for large corporate and private donations for
a not-for-profit organization called the South Africa
Free Elections Fund, which hopes to raiae $10 millien
NEW YORK NEWSDAY, SUNDAY, JULY 11, 1903
AP Photo
a candle on his cake al a 75th birthday
party at Pictures in Culver City, Caiif., Friday
Mandea
to be allocated directly to civic and religious organiza-
tiona in South Africa to voter education drives
among blacks
The organization is headed by Anthony O'Reilly,
president of H.J. Heinz Co., the food giant, and in-
cludes other financial heavyweights like former Orion
Pictures chairman Arthur Krier and bis wife Dr
Mathilde Krim, chairman of AmFAR (the American
Foundation for AIDS Research); Jim Manzi, head of
Lotus Corp.; Ida Schmertz, an executive at American
Expreas, and Theodore Sorensen, the former Kenne-
presidential counsel, Former federal judge A. Leon
Higginbotham serves as co-chairman, and Guber,
who is chairman and chief executive of Sony Pictures,
is a board member.
Mandela also has raised money directly for the ANC,
through a network of antiapartheid organizations
loosely coordinated by Randall Robinson of TransA-
frica in Washington, and ally through black
churches. His visit a in New York and has taken
him to Washington, Philadelphia, Chicago, Los Ange-
ies and Indianapolis, He is scheduled to spend the night
in Atlanta before heading home tomorrew
In exhorting » congregation at Concord Baptist
Church in Brooklyn to make ‘‘sacrificial gifts,” the
Rev. Wyatt Tee Walker, who was prominent in the
civil-rights movement, said on a recent evening that
Mandela's fight was as good aa any hia listeners would
ever support. ‘In my 40 years in the ministry | have
raised a lot of money for a lot of good causes, but none
is as good or as great as this one,” he said
Tilden J. LeMelle, Chairman
Jennifer Davis, Executive Director
sonaking substantial mrouds
and the “Strategic Pers
24 Sunpay Stas Fommuany 21 1993
TN an exclusive article published betow, Win-
nie Mandela. estranged wife of ANC president
Nelson Mandela, hits out at a secret cabal with
inthe ANC intent on Laking over power by infil
trating key committees within the organisation
The cabal’s intentions, she says, is revealed
in two documents written in 1990 and 1992
The documents, she says, attack Nelson's
Mandelas’s l@adership
She says the first document, written within.
months of his release, is already intent on
INSIGHT
dethroning him
And she quotes from Document 2“. his
(Mandela's) continging Lactical and strategic
blunders in negotiations with the regime les
sen his usefulness.”
She says the cabal's main objectives are
@ To remove Mandela as ANC president,
@ To replace him with Cyril Ramaphosa,
@ To infiltrate the ANC’s negotiations team in
prier to realise its aims at the negotiations
table;
‘It is clear the Cabal intends to pull the wool over the eyes of the masses to serve its own ends’
@To consolidate their position at regional levels;
@ To allow De Kierk certain victories in the
international arena,
@ if necessary, to keep the Nationalist Party in
power even afler Qu ANC wins an election
She quotes from Document |: “To include the
masses who are moatly illiterate when it comes
to the intricacies of negotiation i a folly
Perceptions should, however, be created that
they are included”
Says Winnie: “it is clear Uhat the cabal in
tends to pull the wool! over the eyes of the ma
es and negotiate a settlement which serves (
ends of the cabal, not the people.”
“They want to infiltrate their own pens
into key positions on ANC negotiating team
says Winnie
“We have to eliminate elitist dictatorshi
which seek to pursue their personal ambitia
and power”
She points out that the cabal fears Cosa
and its influence on the masses
EXCLUSIVE: Winnie Mandela speaks out on a cabal
within the ANC intent on taking power for its own ends
The plot to oust Nelson
HERE i ao doubt in my mind that we
must negotiate our way into a new
nonracial, non sexist democracy. But,
at the same time, there is also no
doubt is tay mind that we will only
have that democracy if it works in the
interests of the vast majority of the people of
this country. If that new democracy protects
the white privileges accumulated over the last
300 years, then it is na demieracy
When the ANC was banned in 1960 we Jost its
demotratic tradition. Separated from the peo
ple, the ANC in exile was established as a
small committee. When it grew into a jarge
bureaucracy, with embsessies throughout the
world, control was centred in a small executive
of 35. Cut off from its constituency, it could not
develop 4 democratic tradition
in South Africa, the UDF, hampered by
emergency and security legislation, was un
able to develop a democratic tradition. tn that
situation the tendency for amall groups to make
decisions on behalfof the people became wide
seale, and all regions suffered
Now thal we are moving towards a pon
racial, non-sexist democracy, we have to elimi
nate elitist dictatorships which seek to pursue
their personal ambitions and power for the
sake of power -——~ they are not pursuing an ideo
logical agenda
They want to infiltrate their own people into
key positions on ANC negotiating teams, and
them to use those positions to speed the ANC
through the negotiations process in order to
ensure their hold on a future government,
regardiess of the consequence of that govern
ment for the people
Thisis my concern
Power at any price
The intention of the secret cabal is explicit
in the two cabal documents of 1980 and 1902
The 1980 document was expressed by Aubrey
Mokoena, who sent copies to leading comrades
The 1982 document, leaked to the press, is a
sort of progress report on the 1980 document,
the veracity of which, to the best of my know]
edge, was not challenged
The ANC"s recent power-sharing document,
with “Strategic Perspective”, reflects the cul
mination of the cabal’s goal. The authorship of
the “Strategic Perspective” document is attrib.
uted by Vrye Weekblad to (Mohammed) Valli
Mooga, who also features in Document 2
The “Strategic Perspective” of the ANC is
the cabal's crowning glory Negotiation is their
way to future power al any price, and the price
is democracy itself and the people's rights, as
the ANC shares power with the Nats because of
such meaningless jargon as “the balance «
forces has forced on to the South African poiits
cal situation reistionships between these two
leading players, characterised by contradicto
ry elements of co-operation in pursuit of our
goals, and competition in pursuit of our diver
gent objectives”
The differences in the documents are differ
po ~~ annem — ween mm emeneeen
through the infiltration by members of the
cabal
Document t: “We have been successful in
creating 8 shadow negotiations team ... at least
four of our leaders are certain to be tacluded
in the negotiation team.”
Document 2 “We defined an urgent short
term objective to spread our influence to cer
fain regions.
“to the months to come we should consoli
date our position on a regional level. We are in
a strong position in all working groups, and
adequately represented on the management
commitiee
“Our boys in the ANC delegation combined
with the Party, NIC (Natal Indian Congress¥
TIC (Transvaal Indian Congress), and a careful
ly selected Cosatu delegation, could increas
ingly play a directing and manipulating goal
reaching role”
The elitist cabalists reflect no concern for
democratic consultation and, hence, for the
people
Document 1 states “To tactude the masses
who are mostly literate when it comes to the
wies of negotiations is a folly
v* > woe should. however, be created that
ney are included"
And Document 2 states. “We should however,
at all times, appear to insist on the correct
mechanisms. The masses cling to it, and for
them liberation would nol be complete without
it... for they . are now seeking not struggle but
the realisation of long-held ideals such ax non:
racialiam and freedom.”
From this it becomes clear that the cabal
intend to pull the wool over the eyes of the
masses, and negotiate a settlement which
serves the ends of the cabal, not the peaple.
The cabal also fears Cosatu and its influence
on the masses, Document 2 states that Cosaty's
“participation in Codesa, as well as the antici
pated insistence on the establishment of the
correct mechanisms, coupled with their ability
to mobilise the masses, can decisively influ
ence the process we seek to contro}.”
Document | states: “Through our efforts we
have been successful in creating a shadow
negotiations team tear ... at feast four of aur
leaders are certain to be included in the nego
tiation team.”
The first document, written within months of
Mandela's reiease. is already intent on
dethroning him. ft questions his leadership: ”
nobady can confidently proclaim that he is a
natural leader with a large constituency among
the youth . the euphoria generated by his
release quickly wore off. After his first mes
sage the youth grew tired of listening to old
rhetoric,”
Document 2“. his continuing Lactical and
strategic blunders in negotiations with the
regime lessen his usefulness. His popularity
has waned considerably aad we should expect
Winnie's capers to seriously harm him
“Already there is the cumoured split in the
Marriage which, once it becomes public know!
edge, will farther tarnish his image.”
Both documents point to (Cyril) Hamapho
as his successor
Document |, referring to Ramaphosa “Th
man shows a great deal of promise and shou!
continually be nurtured.”
Doeument “Our vision to develop an alts
nalive ieader w Mandela tas already jo
handsome Jd vidends .. Within the movemes
we mist contiane to strengthes the position +
Comrade CH, out take care not to public!
harm Mandela's position We should wor
inside, and eventually it will appear nature
fer CH to take his position.”
At the time of the above two document
Mandela had not yet outgrown bes usefulness
Document 1 “itis extremely gratifying Ne
son Mandela is accepted ax leader of both th
ANC and the people of SA. Our evaluation thu
proved right.”
The evaluation at the time was that throu!
the Mandela Reception Committee they ith:
cabal) would bask in Mandela‘’s glory and wrea
leadership “The National Reception Commu
tee has catapulted our people into also becom
ing the leaders af the peapie
Having become the leaders. their next last
was to eliminate the teader; they are still aim
ing at that.
All three documents show concern for Dh
Klerk, and for keeping bim happy
Document b “Threat from Right wing is seri
ous and dangerous .. whites should aot be
angered as it could force De Klerk to a referen
dum.” Document 2 “De Klerk must be allowe:
io seore certain victories in the internationa!
arena.”
In the “Strategic Perspective” the ANC u
ready to maintain Nat power even after the
ANC wins an election, by keeping ita security
forces and civil service, the remarkable argu
ment being: “If the transition to democracy
affects the interests of the individual in those
institutions wholly and purely negatively, then
they would serve as fertile ground from which
the destabilisers would recruit.” So the ANi
must keep the Nats and their edifice in power
for how long?
PPO LES SELL 6 CRI
The first document fears the return of § 600
to 7 000 MKs, They will exacerbate the situa
tion. They will defect t> (Peter) Mokaba and
Sayeo (SA Youth Congress), both detested by
the cabal
The second document sees the MK as “an
albatross around the movement's neck. The
sooner we rid ourselves of the potential time
bomb, the greater the opportunity to ensure
major political gains .. leave the MK to Winnie
and her cohorts”
1 am deeply concerned about this kind of
power mongering leadership, | fear that tt will
sabotage our future democracy
i believe in Mandela, i always have, and |
devoted the major part of my adull Life uphuld
ing and keeping alive his ideals It pains ave to
see how be is being undermined by the scif
oor Ore vi prog serving men whe plot and
e erin peri 1 i aa ae Lake contr:
morenrenmmnnnme KEY FIGURES WHO FEATURE IN THE SECRET DOCUMENTS, AS IDENTIFIED BY WINNIE MIUnta tana
hold of negotiation, when the
cabdt’s plan to take over
depends on ia infiltration
inlu the Mandela Reception
Committee, the 1991 docu
met is post-Codesa |. where
the cabal has suceveded in
pechive” sees the bexianiug
of the taba! dream
The negpliating table is
thie forum in Sp the tubat,’
nivnds tO realise thy aitas +
CENTRE STAGE
.. both
i documents
pot to Cyni
Ramaphosa
a5 Mandela's
SUCCESSOF
"Strategic
Perspective” is
a@tinibuted to
Mohammed Vatii
Moosa, who also
features in
document 2
CRCARATED new government established
Aubrey in South Africa be democrat
wally acenuntable to ordi
Mokoena sent nary people of all colours at
Copies of the every Jewel if we are to aveid
1990 yet another cycle of oppres
document to sion and horror
leading No settioment reached
without the full comprehen
Hen of and support af the
Gtasses willever bray te this
country the peace oecesiary
for woonueme xrowth and
Prosperity
CONT URS
LL
BS ob,
wl
tibet me i th | WVUARIVGEL MUNTTOR
INTERNATIONAL
Thursday, May 27, 1902
S. Africa’s Talks Disrupted
By Detention of Militants
Crackdown widens ruling party divisions between hawks and doves
By John Battersby
Steyr wr eter af The (hw mton Seimrncea Meawrsteey
en renee HOM ANINES BING cere
NATIONWIDE police
A crackdown on the leader-
ship of the radical Pan.
Africanist Congress has disrupted
multiracial talks for a transition to
democracy and jeopardized 4
June deadline for vetting a date
for the country's first democratic
hadlet,
PAC President Clarence Mak-
wethu said yesterday that his
party would not continue to take
part in the negetiations unless the
Sovernment freed 62 PAC leaders
sul in CuNlody, restored siezed
Property, and repaired damage ine
curred in the raids.
The crackdown, Coming at a
time of escalating township vio.
lence, has shaken confidence in
the 26-member Multi-Party Nego.
“ating Forum and widened «ivi.
sions between hawks and doves in
the ruling Nationa Party.
“One cannot escape the con-
clusion that clemeniy in
ment carefully planned the tiring
of this swoop to ensure maximum
brigmet fay demonstrating who is in
control and jto ensure) that ter.
rurism will not be tolerated ~ even
if it means jeopardizing negotia.
ions,” suid a Western diplornat,
The simultaneous crackdown
on PAC officiais around the coun.
try early Tyestay morning and
the forced entry into PAC prem-
ises hore all the hallinarks of ye
curly operations at the height of
the apartheid ern.
Probie swooped in on senior
members of the PAC and alleged
officials of its military winy, the
Azanian People's Liberation Army
(APIA), arresting 7. The opera.
on was the Most extensive
Crackdown on «black oppusitinn
Broup yince the United Dem.
cratic Front and other 4itl-apart-
heid groups were banned in Feb
ruary 19488. It followed four days
of ren¢wed violence in the black
townstips ease of Johannesburg
that already claimed more
than 4) lives,
Yesterday police released 11 of
the arrested officials, including
one ofiseven detained PAC execu-
tives,
Most of the 26 Parties at the
Muiti-Party Negotiating Forum
supported a resolution that criti.
cized the government for the “in.
sensitive” timing of the raids and
the pitential damage it could in.
flict om the hegotiating process.
But Gen. Constand Viljoen, a
former chief of the South African
Defense Force who now heads a
right-wing umbreila Sroup, the
Afrikaner Volksfront, welcome:
the rakdy. “If this iy 9 move to en-
‘ure more peace as we have rec.
ommended ... it ly a step in the
right direction,” General Viljoen
Said.
The timing of the raid, which
was not approved by the Cabinet
In advance, appears to have
Widered a split in the National
Constitutional Development Min.
ister Rocif Meyer, who heads the
Bovermment negotiating team,
had a0 prior knowledge of the
raids
A j parlamentary legislator,
WhO spoke on condition of anc
nymity, said President Frederik de
Klerky had tuid him tat he had
OWN about the raidy only
after they had areuly begun,
Mt. De Klerk wag locked in all.
tay discussions with Members of
his Cabinet yesterday in what wag
expetted to be a aMtorny session
after; the African National Con-
ANG Secretary-General Cyril
Ramaphoua sald the raid was a
“traventy of justice” which had left,
the negotiations “hanging by a
thread.”
He said it also ruined quieations
as le whe wag controlling the
country = the politicians or the se-
curity officials?
in the aftermath of the crack-
down, the PAC, which in the past
has failed to translate
membership, hag already re.
ceived a huge propaganda boost.
Rut PAC General Secretary
Benny Alexander, who Says he es.
Caped from the Police and dig.
putes their claim that he was re.
govern.
ment for its “Gestapo-like tactics"
and said the action appeared di.
rected at forcing the PAC out of
were about to be taken,
PAC leaders appear to have ac.
cepted that a long-term with.
drawal from the negotiating fo.
ram would play into the hands of
right-wing elements in govern.
ment who want to delay the proc.
€88 50 that a “formed right.
wing front can formulate a united
position and table its proposals at
arrent
and APLA offiviay around the
country wus part of routine police
duties: in preventing crime and
tnt tee
2t
1.9
2,0
3.0
S49
6.0
DECLARATION OF THE OAU AD-HOC COMMITTEE OM SOUTHLAN AFRICA
OM THE QUESTION OF SOUTH AFRICA:
HARARE, ZIMBABWE: AUGUST 21, 71989
at aneeeentatae
I, PREAMBLE
The people of Africe, singly, collectively and acting
“through the OAU, are engaged in serious efforts to
@eteblieh peace throughout the continent by ending all
conflicts through negotiations based on the principle of
jJuatice and peace for ell.
We reaffirm our conviction, which History conficema, that
where colonial, recial and apertheia domination exist,
there can neither be peece nor justice,
Accordingly, we reiterate that while the apartheid syatem
in South Africa persilets, the peoples of our continent as a
whol@ cannot achieve the fundamental objectives of justice,
humen dignity and peace which are both erucial in
themselves and fundamental to the Stability and development
of Africe,
With regard to the region of Southern Africa, the entire
continent is vitally interested that the processes, in
which it 19 involved, lgading to the complete and genuine
independence of Namibie, as well an peace in Angola and
Mozambique, should succeed in the shorteat possible time,
Equelly, Africa is deeply concerned thet the
destabilieation by South Africa of sll the countries in the
region, whether through direct egygtession, sponsorahip of
Surrogates, economis subversion and other means, should end
immediately,
We recognise the reality that permanent peace and atebility
in Southern Africa can only be schisved when the syetem of
epertheid in South Africa has been liquidated and South
Africa tranafaormed into ea united, democratic and non-racial)
country, We therefore reiterate that all the necessary
measures should be adopted now, to bring a spesdy end to
the apertheld system, in the interest of all the people of
Southern Africa, our continent and the world at lerge.
We believe thet, os « reault of the liberation struggle and
international pressure against apertheid, #s well as global
efforts to liquidate regional conflicts, possibilities
exist for further movement towards the resolution of the
probleme facing the people of South Africa, For these
possibilities to lead to fundemental chenge in South
Africae, the Pretoria regime must ahendon its abhorrent
cConcepte end practices of racial domination and its record
of failure to honour agreements, a1] of which have elready
reaulted in the loss of eo many lives and the deatruction
of much property in the countries of Southern Africa.
++ -/continuad
