Rit, eee mee
VOL. 1 — NO. 2
Associat‘on of Black Social Workers—208 Madison Avenue,
New York, N.Y.— Phone: 348-0035
July, 1971
eeipira Division and their sympath-
_ Health education
by Cenie J. Williams, Jr.
It has always been my contention
that the skills of Black Social Work-
ers should not only be utilized to pro-
vide social services to th Black Com-
munity but also to build strong black
“nations” in Africa as well as Am-
erica.
As members in our organization
work in the Black communities try-
ing to establish those institutions
that are so vital to our survival and
so conspiculously absent, they are
also working in Africa with Af-
ricans in America trying to assist in
also building those institutions that
are so desperately needed in our
Motherland.
Our organization is currently in-
volved in working cooperatively with
Dr. J.M. Walguchu and the Mathira
Self-Help Hospital in Kenya. This is
a self-help project because it is en-
tirely sponsored by the people of Ma-
rentive and curative measures.
: shall include,
among other things, the training of
health personnel and community ed-
ucation programs. Research shall in-
clude further investigation in the
prevailing health conditions and dis-
eases plus the gathering of health
data pertaining to the people and
the area of the hospital location.
The hospital is located in Mathira
Division which is the largest admin-
istrative unit in Nyeri District. It
lies on the southern slopes of Mount
Kenya and it is a typical rural com-
munity. Karatina is both the Divis-
ional administrative center and the
second largest town in the Dist rict.
Mathira Division has a_ popula-
tion of 95,000 people and with a den-
sity of about 344 persons per square
kilometer. The neighbouring Tetu
population to be served by the hos-
pital to about 200,000 people. The
cumulative rate of population in-
crease is about 3 percent. Fifty-five
percent of the population in Mathira
Division is under fifteen years of
age. This fact underscores the im-
portance of community education es-
pecially in family planning and
child care. There is one 120-bed Mis-
sionary Hospital which is served
by a single physician who works
only on Mondays through Friday
and assisted by two nurse sisters.
Though no data exists, the rate of
child mortality is suspected to be
very high.
Upon completion, the hospital will
comprise of a central hospital which
will render secondary and complex
health care and a network of loca-
tional health centers primarily for
Ser three ba- |
ee
ABSW AND AFRICA
primary health care and screening.
The operational premise is that
health care can be best delivered by
taking it closer to the people in the
rural villages through a network of
local health centers easily accessi-
ble to most villages and which will
also screen out those people in great-
er health need for further diagnostic
and therapeutic attention at the
central hospital.
Construction of the hospital was
approved by the Minister for Fi-
nance, Economic and Planning in
writing last year (1970). The hos-
pital is being built in phases. The
first phase comprises of the out
patient block, the maternity ward,
the kitchen and the laundry facili-
ties. The contract for construction of
the first phase was awarded to a
local contractor, Mr. Gibson Mboth-
us, at the price of $75,000.00. Con-
struction is expected to take about
seven
pital
It is my hope the
the hospital proj
volved the joint efforts between our
African Americans Brothers and
our African Brothers working coop-
eratively together will clearly illus-
strate that Black people have moved
(Continued on Page 4)
months. The first phase of the
that the success —
ect which in-
~ SOCIAL WORKERS
Election Results
By CALVIN BROWNE
Chairman Nominating Committee
At the Asociation of Black Social
Workers Annual] Membership Meet-
ing on Saturday, June 5th, 1971,
which over three hundred Black
Social Workers attended, Cenie J.
Williams, Jr., was re-elected to the
office of President of the New York
Chapter. He is also President of the
National Association of Black So-
cial Workers.
Other officers elected at the mem-
bership meeting were: Vincent
Davis, 1st Vice-President; Allen
Coates, 2nd Vice-President; Robert
Knox, 3rd Vice-President; Shirley
Jones, Treasurer; Frances Maninng,
Corresponding Secretary; Celestine
Grant, Recording Secretary; and
Cornelius Sarvis, Parliamentarian.
The Asociation currently has over
1,000 members. Mr. Williams stated
that one of the first things on the
agenda during the next fiscal year
(September, 1971-August 31, 1972)
_ The Association was formed June
J, 1967 in New York City. Since
then over fifty chapters have been
developed throughout the nation.
For information on the Associa-
tion, contact the local office at 2008
Madison Avenue, Tele. No. (212)
348-0035.
ABSW President Cenie Williams and the late Whitney Young
discussing ABSW Conference.
Black Student SW’s
by Abe Snyder
_ The Council of Black Student So-
cial Workers consists of the Black
Caucuses at Adelphi, Columbia,
Fordham, Hunter, NYU, and Yeshi-
va University. The council provides
collective power to bring about
changes in recruitment policies,
scholarships, curriculum, and other
issues affecting blacks in the
Schools of Social Work.
_In June, 1971, the Council com-
pleted its second year of operation.
Among its accomplishments includes
the forming a Black Caucus at Ford-
ham; removing racist teachers at
two schools; changing various cur-
riculum to include a greater black
Imput; increasing the number of
black students admitted to the
schools; and serving as a central in-
formation bureau for Black stu-
dents. Despite the cuts in scholar-
‘ships, the council was also instru-
mental in setting up a new struc-
ture which would allow students in
the Department of Social Services
to remain in school and complete
2 the s EP COTLC h Bs —
a year. The
e students to receive .
salary by using their vacation time
for the one day in class. The plan
will prevent many Black students
from dropping out of school.
Nat’l Black Student Caucus Formed
The council has also initiated
plans to form a National Black Stu-
dent Caucus within NABSW. The
committee in NABSW will be the
office of Student Affairs. It will in-
(Continued on Page 4)
JOIN
THE ASSOCIATION OF
BLACK SOCIAL WORKERS INC,
_MEMBERSHIP APPLICATION
September 1971 - August 31, 1972
RES ere operas. 3
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Address: 2.50. sits. oe .
City and State ...<.5.¢2553 Zip. <.
Home Telephone
Place of Employment
Address
City and State
Job Telephone
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aoe eague's Washington. BU=... -49¢7__wir; Young was a principal
; 3 originator and impleme
ras esses rites va
_ “three centuries of abuse, humilia-
tion, segregation and bias” against
Page 2
ABSW NEWS
JULY, 1971
ABSW News Staff
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EXECUTIVE OFFICES
Cenie J. Williams
Vincent Davis
Bob Knox
Allen Coates
MN CP AN GS ea Ce os
Francis Manning
Shirley Jones
Cornelius Sarvis
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Fe WAS oid oon gle ae President
Sk te eee 1st Vice Pres.
Be Nagle nc eae 2nd Vice Pres.
; ae Se ees 3rd Vice Pres.
, Wists ces ee eed Recording Secretary
Corresponding Sec.
Whitney Young —A LAST TRIBUTE
ABSW has lost one of its most
prominent and dedicated members,
the National Urban League has lost
its greatest Executive Director and
the Black community has lost one
of its greatest Black leaders during
the century.
Whitney M. Yonug’s career span
reflects an historic decade.
1961—Whitney M. Young, Jr. be-
came Executive Director of the Na-
tional Urban League on October 1st.
1962—-Mr. Young met with Presi-:
dent John F. Kennedy, as a result
of which the Federal government
hosted a precedent-breaking three-
day Conference of 89 League pro-
fessionals and volunteers in Wash-
Young’s leader-
-o
,
“massive ten year effort to eradicate
the “discrimination gap” caused by
Blacks. Mr. Young was one of the
Kae principal organizers of the August
- March on Weshington for jobs and
freedom. Also this year, Mr. Young
began “To Be Equal’, a syndicated
column intended originally for the
Black press and community, but to-
_ day appearing in over 100 newspa-
pers and heard on over 40 radio sta-
tions across the country. Mr, Young
fostered the League’s National Skills
Bank to upgrade. underemployed
Blacks and match them with jobs
equal to their skills. 18,085. Blacks
were upgraded to better jobs as a
result. The League’s Secretarial
‘- Training Program was also estab-
lished.
1964—In April, Mr. Young under-
took major reorganization of .the
eague, establishing five Regional
Offices. In the decade, Mr. Young
guided the League’s growth from
to 98 affiliates in as many cities;
its professional staff increased ten-
fold. The League created its On-the-
Job Training. Program which to
‘date has brought over 50,000 people
~-Gnto paid training slots in the skilled
.. trades and white collar jobs. Mr.
- Young’s book. “To Be Equal” was
published this year; and this year,
---also, Mr. Young organized and led
...the Community Action Assembly,
_. eonvening for the first time in Am-
erican history, 500 Black leaders and
"top government leaders.
1965—Mr. Young helped set up
the National Leadership Develop-
ment Program to spur community
action.
41966—Mr. Young joined top corp-
orate leaders of the country in a
tour of Europe. In private talks with
them, Mr. Young urged employment
and upgrading of Blacks—and over
the next year an estimated 50,000
new jobs were opened to minorities.
Mr. Young also travelled to Viet
Na mto talk with minority GI’s, a
trip that resulted in 1967 in the
League’s Veterans Affairs Program,
which has since helped 35,000 ser-
vicemen and veterans. The League
initiated Project Enable, a joint
community organization effort with
other social agencies. Mr. Young
was especially proud of the League’s
gains in education; programs like
the Street Academy Program begun
in 1966, now a national model for an
alternative education system, highly
successful in sending former drop-
outs back to schoof and higher edu-
cation.
onee ae iS aS € A1L1T10!
responding to the needs of minorities
in an increasingly urban nation. The
result was the Urban Coalition, es-
tablished in August with Mr. Young
as a founding member.
4968—New Thrust was establish-
ed as the League’s philosophy and
modus operandum under Mr. Young
a direct move into ghettoes and
grass roots communities across the
nation, developing and organizing
local leadership to identify and solve
its own problems with the Leagues
technical assistance. Under Mr.
Young’s leadership also, the Lea-
gue’s Black Student Summer Pro-
gram was launched, bringing mem-
bers of Black Student Associations
fro m25 colleges into ghettoes to
work and live.
4969—President Johnson awarded
Mr. Young the Medal of Freedom,
the nation’s highest civilian Honor.
Mr. Young published his second
book, “Beyond Racism”, in 1969, and
brought League support to the Poor
People’s Solidarity March on Wash-
ington. Mr. Young also delivered to
President Nixon on the day of his
inauguration the League’s Call to
Action, a blueprint specifying what
the Federal government should do
to solve the urban racial crisis.
1970-71—Mr. Young became the
first private citizen to meet with a
United States President and his Cab-
inet, at a December meeting in
which Mr. Young successfully urged
greater partnership between the
Federal government and private,
non-profit, social planning agencies,
to act on the growing crisis in the
Black community. In January, 1971,
Mr. Young voiced his beliefs on the
course this country must pursue for
a better America, in an hour-long
NBC - TV documentary, ‘Which
Way, America?” The program has
been viewed in 42 cities to date.
Co-Chairman, Pub.
ntor of the —
a
Black Immigrants
In our last report in “ABSW
News” we mentioned that we
planned to give a social affair in-
viting Black immigrants and liaison
people from different parts of the
world in order to broaden our scope
of activities. On March 13, 1971,
we had a social affair at the ABSW
Community Hall, 110 West 146th
Street, New York City.
Guests from the African Contin-
ent, the Caribbean area, Latin Amer-
ican, and the U.S.A. attended. Feed
back and response was that the af-
fair was a success in that Black
people from different continents and
parts of the world came into con-
tact with each other for the first
time, recognizing that our Af-
rican heritage is basically the same,
despite our various backgrounds.
(We wish to take this opportun-
ity to again express our thanks to
ABSW members and friends who
volunteered their services to help
make our affair a success.)
As a follow up to the affair, the
following activities and goals have
been planned, in terms of certain ob-
jectives toward the end of contribu-
ting to the struggle of Black Libera-
tion:
1. Conduct a survey in order to lo-
cate Black immigrants in the
metropolitan area and identify
specific problems that confront
them, and to determine what
services ABSW can provide.
2. Contact other ABSW chapters
to conduct similar surveys in
their areas.
3. Contact the ABSW membership
to see if they are willing to act
as hosts or hostesses for Black
immigrants on a short term or
continuing basis.
A, Involve Black immigrants ‘in the
» Afro-American Day Parade. _
5. Contact other Black groups who:
are interested in our program
ye: resources in the areas of cul-
ture, education, politics, etc.
6. Set up an Information Center
with up to date data and a file
on material relevant to our Af-
rican heritage and pertinent to
the Black Liberation struggle.
7. Utilize Black talent for the mut-
ual benefit of Afro-Americans
and Black immigrants.
Organize forums with Black im-
migrants to discuss relevant is-
sues.
9. Establish a foreign language ser-
vice.
a. Organize language clubs.
b. Translate outstanding Black
works (literary, scientific,
etc.).
10. Establish International Pen Pal
Clubs.
11. Work with the Mathiva Division
to establish a Black Hospital in
Kenya.
At first sight the above tasks ap-
pear tc be overwhelming. Neverthe-
less, with the continued cooperation
and involvement of the ABSW mem-
bership and community groups, we
feel that our objectives can be
achieved.
Anyone wishing to work with the
Social and Professional Issues Com-
mittee please contact the office by
telephone (348-0035) and leave your
name, address, and telephone num-
ber with either of the charming sec-
retaries,
Bert Edwards
Gerald Astree
Co-Chairmen
Membership Committee
by Mary Lee and
Catherine Bessiliue, Co-Chairwomen
_ Effective September ist, 1971,
the Membership Committee will be
conducting a membership drive with
the hope of recruiting 4,000 new
members.
We are asking all of our current
members to cooperate by recruit-
ing every Black social worker in
the agency in which they are lo-
cated.
The Membership Committee will
be contacting you personally to so-
licit your support.
In the meantime you can help
kick off our membership drive by
filling out the membership appli-
cation and returning it to us with
your check. .
WE WOULD LIKE TO THANK
THE FOLLOWING MEMBERS
FOR THEIR CONTRIBUTION, —
Preston Wilcox... 2 3.27.43 -.. 50.00
Edward..Miyers... ceca. +040 90.00
Frances Manning .......... 45.00.
Nina Horry.44%
Lawrence Chang .....- a i 5.0055"
Cenie J. Williams, Jr. ..--
Vineent Daxis “
Calvin Browne
Olga Taylor ...----++--+-:° :
Bessie Wright
Eda Harris
Edith Calhoun
Adelaide Jacquet
Robert Knox
Lloyd A. Johnson
Sidney Jones
Sandra Strawder
Alexander Elry
Mary Lee
Ruth Pemberton
iets ae ee
hee pace. 9 8 + 64
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So See CT we RS ee
i SO OES EES
wee Gerry eo |
See 6 a ee oe eS
oo eh bee eS .e
Nina Bailey .......-+--++:> 50.
Charlie Jones .......-+:-:> 45.00
Freddine Gibson ......---++- 150.00
Rebert Davis ..........-++: 45.00
Carlton Mobley ......-+-+-: 45.00
Bruce Gantt ........---++: 50.09
Eilian Brown .......6-+-*: 50.00
Buchanan Crenshaw .....--- 45.00
Theodore Phillips .....----- 50.00
Abe Snyder .........--+-:: 5 ).00
Novella ©. Rosey .....--+--9% 00
Charles Taylor .........-:- 130.00
C. Winifred Kagwa .....--- 45.00
ABSW
New York, N.Y.
Tel. 348-0035
tion that you won't regret.
Can You Type? Write? Teach?
Or Be a Gal/Guy Friday?
We need all the volunteer help we can get. Join a commit-
tee and get involved in YOUR organization.
2008 Madison Ave.
Also, send a check or money order to ABSW. It's a dona-
= July, (971
ABSW NEWS
4 a’
¥ ‘ er .
aie
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ee Fe cal
By Waverly Jackson
The idea of establishing and op-
erating Day Care Centers was con-
ceived approximately two years ago
iby members of the New York Chap-
ter of ABSW. On January 25th,
1971 that idea became a reality when
our first Child Development Center
opened in Manhattan (110 W. 146th
St., NYC). On May 24, 1971 our
second center opened in Brooklyn
(1005-1007 Bedford Avenue). The
director of the Manhattan Center
is Miss La Forrest Warren; the
ee Brooklyn Center’s director is Mrs.
Pe Willa Jones. Both directors meet
Be regularly with the ABSW Day Care
Pad Board and/or its sub-committees.
The ABSW Day Care Board pol-
icies meet the requirements of the
Health Code of the Division of Day
Care, Day Camps and Institutions of
the Department of Health and De-
partment of Social Services, there-
by enabling ABSW to receive and
administer public funds to operate
the centers.
The ways in which the children
Setup gaan se emagerage J nemes
-
In a African Mood
(ages 3-6) in our Day Care Centers
receive orientation and are helped
with their investigation and accum-
ulation of information are varied.
Nevertheless, its usually done in-
formaily and within the context of
the programmed activities. Story-
telling, role playing, drawing, sing-
ing, mathematical games, model
making, construction with sand pa-
per and blocks are some activities
used to encourage our children to
learn generalized techniques for
gathering information.
Teaching the children to speak
correctly and to express themselves
fully is one of the major aims of the
centers’ programs. Language train-
ing is a continuous process carried
on throughout the day by means of
books, stories and direct contact
with adults. The overall program en-
genders self-awareness (cultural
identity), self-discipline and self-
confidence. The age and individual
characteristics of each child is con-
sidered in the over-all program of
intellectual and physical training.
Parental involvement is empha-
sized in the centers. The attitude of
the parents toward the program is
extremely important and contrib-
utes highly to the children’s motiva-
tion when in the center. Therefore,
within the programs there are av-
enues though which the parents
make contributions that are visible
to the children. There is a parent-
teacher association and a father’s
club, both groups from which volun-
teers have come to assist in carry-
ing out certain aspects of the pro-
grams. Several parents are expected
to join the ABSW Day Care Board
in the very near future.
ABSW also operates After School
Centers for children 6 to 12 years
of age within the same facilities
that house the day care programs,
The Director of the Manhattan Af-
ter School Center is Mrs. Gwendi-
ville Young, The After School Cen-
ters will function as a Day Camp
during the summer months. Great
plans have been projected for sum-
mer fun, such as: trips to state
parks, picnics, boat rides, overnight
camping and hiking, swimming, vis-
Tot's Day Care Fashion Show Produces Real Glamour
Teacher Gets in the swim
Parents await big moment.
ABSW's Day Care Center Becomes a Reality
its to museums, and trips to the
theaters and baseball parks.
It is because of personal sacri-
fices conviction and stick-to-itive-
ness of members of the ABSW Day
Care Board that the above men-
tioned programs were instituted.
They are to be commended: Jacque-
line Everett, Ernestine Welch, An-
thony Skinner, Stanley Shipp, Caro-
lyn Kamunanwire, Arecelis Fran-
cis, Louise Floyd, Ruth Pemberton,
Bert Edwards, Robert Knox, Her-
bert Franklyn, Sandra Strawder,
Adelaide Jacquet and Ted Phillips.
ABSW particularly expresses
thanks to Mrs. Anne Jones, educa-
tion consultant (of Department of
Social Services) to ABSW Child De-
velopment Centers; Mr. Allen
Coates, and Mr. Bob Davis of the
Special Office of Day Care of De-
partment of Social Services.
Plans for establishing Centers in
other boroughs are being considered
by the ABSW executive Board.
Waverly Jackson;
Chairman, Day Care Board
Here comes the bride
The Line-Up.
ABS W
, F ie liaint’s Black Caucus
During the academic school year
1970-7 1, the Fordham University
-~S$chooi of Social Service’s Black
Caucus at Lincoln Center has been
undergoing somewhat of a transi-
ticn. The former Chairman of the
~ Black Caucus, Mr. David Crammer,
turned the chairmanship over to
Mr. John Jones, a first year student
who was elected as Vice-Chairman
before Mr. Crammer’s resignation.
_ As the new chairman of the Black
Caucus, I have set up committees to
meet the needs and desires of the
_ Black student body of Fordham Uni-
_ versity School of Social Service. The
_ programs and activities are to pro-
vide supplementary programs and
- knowledge of Blacks from a more
relative and positive position and
- point.
~ Tt is a well-known fact that
Schols of Social Work traditionally
treat Blacks and other minorities
as a group and class of “sick”
people. As Blacks and as Black so-
cial workers, I feel it is our duty
to examine our heritage from
_ Africa to the present with emphasis
on the relationships which so vitally
affect our lives and the lives of all
Black peope .It is my contention
_ that the better equipped we are with
knowedge of ourselves, the better
we will be able to serve our people
in our communities.
As conditions are worsening daily
it is imperative that we become
Vanguards in our people’s struggle
for the necessities of life for their
development to their fullest poten-
tial and capacity. At Fordham Uni-
versity School of Social Service some
of the dedicated Brothers and Sis-
ave been diligently working
; goal. We have set up seven
to aa bring about this
ude: (1)
a this coming academic year
Atte I feel my earlier designa-
a 80 site that will make for an
=e
effective functioning Black Caucus
the next academic year. Lise look
clude various Black Caucuses in the
Schools of Social Work throughout
-72 will be Hank Blackburne,
rman; Bonita Davis, vice-chair-
Be Brenda Clark, secretary ; and
ae Gray, treasurer.
Black Caucus to our meetings. I sin-
cerely feel we have a great deal in
common.
JOHN JONES, Chairman
of Black Caucus, Fordham
University School of
Social Service at Lincoln
Center.
Fund Raising
By BUCHANAN CRENSHAW
and NINA HORRY
The Fund Raising Committee is
the backbone of ABSW. Our job is
to raise money. The Association of
Black Social Workers has used sev-
eral means of raising money for op-
erational expenses and other needs.
They are as follows
1. Membership dues
2. Contributions
3. Sale of “THE BLACK CAUCUS’
4. Other
The Fund Raising Committee has
acocunted for most of the monies
raised primarily through the sale
ot Christmas cards, cocktail sips and
dances, the latter being the most
successful of the three mentioned.
The Committee would like to
thank you for your loyal and un-
selfish support in making our func-
tions successful. Without your
support, the Association of Black
Social Workers would have been in a
great financial crisis. We will be
able to move on to better and
higher goals and to meet the chal-
lenging situations as they arise in
our daily living. Please keep in mind
that all monies contributed to
ABSW—for.any reason—are tax de-
ductible. We will also accept your
ieee ons of other means of rais-
" College ‘football game
Yankee™ ‘Stadium on ga Pal
September 11, 1971, between
Grambling College and Morgan
State at the Association of
Black Social Workers’ Day Care
Center located at 110 West 146
Street, New York, New York.
There wil be plenty of drinks
and soul food with music to
further comfort you.
2. The sale of Black-oriented
Christmas cards with color.
Brochures will be available.
A dance in May, 1972 at the
ballroom large enough to ac-
Manhattan Center or another
commodate our patrons.
For your comfort and relaxation,
we would like to arrange at group
rates an African, Caribbean, or
South American tour for July, 1972.
Please indicate your preference of
tours and mail it to the Association
of Black Social Workers, Inc., 2008
Madison Avenue, New York, New
TTT WEST FIFTY-SEVENTH STREET
SUITE 1111
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10010
(212) 247-3975
Naomi Gray Associates is a recently
formed national Black
owned and directed FAMILY PLANN ING CONSULTANT FIRM.
. ill provide expert assistance to programs serving minority com-
Lities across the nation. Our specialists include a wide range of
ed individuals of all ethnic backgrounds.
Services are available for institutes, seminars, in-service training,
. annual meetings, project writing, program evaluation, and other
ial a and assiguments,
Cut Along Dotted Lile
POP ORES ESERSSSESEES ESE E LSS SEER REE REESE EERE EEE ESL LC CECE EEE REESE EEL ETE
My choice of tour is:
African*
NAME
York 10035. More details will be
forthcoming.
The choice of tour will be based
on the largest amount of preferences
received for either of the above
tours..
The Association of Black Social
Workers would like to congratulate
its Fund Raising Committee for a
job well done. :
COMMITTEE MEMBERS:
Lorenzo Brantley
Delores Brinkley
Eva Brown
Buchanan Crenshaw
Robert Davis
Arnold Dennis
Herbert Franklin
Arnold Dennis
Celestine Grant
Nina Horry
Ella Hughley
DO 00 NID UT ys G9 0
ps
South American ; ;
bce oe
mb, Hee, a io geen
11. Lois Knox
12. Naomi Merritt
13. Ruth Pemberton
14. Theodore Phillips
15. Neal Walker
16. Bernard Johnson
(Continued from ‘Page 1)
to a higher stage of development in
our liberation struggle. ;
We realize that Black |
throughout the world have a
mon destiny and therefore
unite to protect preserve ani
vance our common interest.
For further information -
ing the project contact:
DR..J.M. WAILLGUCHU ~
182-45 Maple Avenue
Flushing, New York, 11355,
Tele. No. 463-5696.
MARCH WITH DIGNITY AND PRIDE ©
(THIS IS YOUR DAY)
PARTICIPATE IN THE “AFRO- AMERICAN pay PAF :
the planning: ‘of th Parade.
ey @ : Ss: Edy
Kamunanwire, Abe Snyder, Cenie J. Williams, ITS. and
WE LOOK FORWARD TO ALL ABSW MEMBERS TO PARTI
IN THIS PARADE BY MARCHING WITH THE ABS'
SAL HEY!!!
900800006000000000000000000060006000009089800862090 %
PYYTTTITITITITITITITTTT TTT irri
BLACK WEEKEN D>
Our Black Week begins on September 11th, 1971
with the old rivals squaring off at Yankee Stadium.
winner. On that following Sunday, September 12th, the Third. Annual
African-American Day Parade wil be held in Harlem. oe ee
ABSW POST GAME THING!
ABSW COMMUNITY CENTER
110 West 146th Street
You | pick
Social begins immediately following the game. =
DANCING, DRINKS, SOULFOOD,
PRETTY GIRLS, HANDSOME MEN
COOOOCEEEEEEEOEEESEECEEOOEOOOOEOOCOOOOCEEOOOESESCESELCCOOESE
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION
of BLACK SOCIAL WORKERS
NEWSLETTER
NABSW 271 W. 125th - New York, New York 10027
Telephone (212) 749-0470
WINTER 1984
PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE
— .
Pre . ait *
€;
WILLIAM T. MERRITT
This past August one hundred and
two (102) African/Americans journeyed
to Cairo, Egypt and Nairobi, Kenya to
participate in the Tenth Annual NABSW
International Conference. For those of us
who ventured to Africa for the first time,
this trip gave us new insight, new hope,
new perspectives, and new realisms.
Others who had ventured to Africa
before, still found new and unique
experiences in East Africa.
Fast Africa provided a myriad of
cultural experience. Standing at the foot
of the Sphinx and viewing pyramids
beneath the stars, listening to ancient
Egyptian history was both emotional and
Spiritual. Knowing that 5,000 years ago
Africans had the science and technical
know-how to build monuments that to-
day’s science still does not have the
wherewithall to duplicate, is awesome.
More powerful is the feeling that we are:
an extension of African history,
represented by ancient monuments,
mosques, and palaces, and people of
Egypt.
The respect and expression of kinship
displayed by the people of Egypt and
Kenya was most meaningful. Egyptians
are Africans although in Egypt Blackness
is taken for granted in spite of the varied
hues of their skin. It is we :
African/Americans, ‘who haye hang ups
about the different hues gf skin. The
people of lower Egypt are,most proud of
their kinship to upper Egypt, as well as,
their kinship to African/Americans.
While their culture is different, there are
many nuances that link us as one people.
Egyptians and Kenyans alike could not
understand how we could ever think of
ourselves as anything but Africans.
Moving on to Kenya we really knew
we were home. There, it was like being in.
Harlem. African people of every shade,
were eager to show affection to their long
lost kin. There was one problem! It was
often difficult for both groups to
distinguish, who was who, until someone
spoke or displayed their camera. The
most meaningful development, however,
was our shared camaraderie with our
Kenyan colleagues, members of the
Kenya Association of Social Workers. At
no time has there been such an expres-
sion of welcome and genuine love for lost
family. Their hospitality was quite
moving. More importantly, out of the
mutual understanding and concern we
were both eager to begin to develop the
mechanisms for a lasting relationship. As
a result, preliminary agreements have
been made to:
1. Collect and send clothes and
other needed items to Kenyan Associa-
tion of Social Worker for distributions.
2. Develop scholarship programs.
3. Develop means to exchange
ideas and information.
4. Open our homes in each country
for the purposes of cultural enrichment,
as well as, assist students who need
financial support.
5. Develop
programs.
6. Exchange social work books,
journals and literature.
7. Develop mutual
programs.
research and study
fund raising
One conclusion that we can draw
from our international experience is that
communication between African people
must be improved. African people, on the
continent, in the Caribbean, in the USA or
anywhere will never be truly liberated un-
til we are united in our efforts. The effects
of colonialism and neo colonialism con-
tinue to strangle many developing
African Nations. Euro/Ango economics,
politics and mass media continue to
retard the development of the economy,
culture, and welfare of all nations of color
as they do the African American com-
munity. The African Nations are our hope
for true liberation. The African continent
can and will again be a land of great
nations, but much depends on the direct
and indirect contributions of African
Americans. Their greatness can and will
effect our greatness as a people. We have
much in technical know-how, experience
and finances that can be invested in
Africa, but only if we come to know her
better, as Africans must come to know us
better.
One way to bridge the gap is through
more visits to our African homeland.
(Continued on Page 2)
NABSW Proposes
National Black
Heritage Child
Welfare Legislation
The Comprehensive Black Child and
Family Committee (CBCFC) of NABSW
has completed the task of drafting pro-
posed national legislation that will ad-
dress the inequities of care facing Black
children in the child welfare system. The
intent will be to facilitate and in-
stitutionalize the permanent placement
of Black children within their own
community.
The Greater Boston Association
assisted CBCFC in this effort. Federal PL
96.272 Adoption Assistance and Child
Welfare Act; PL 95-608, Indian Child
Welfare Act and state legislation (CA,
MN, MA) were reviewed as the basis for
this act. The National NABSW Position
(Continued on Page 2)
NABSW NEWSLETTER
NABSW EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
President... je William T. Merritt
~ Paul L. Hubbard
De, Robbie T. Little
ee Stella Brown
(eo .. Percy H. Steel, Jr.
Vice-President. ................
SeCretaty .... =. «se ke,
Tienes, cw
Members-At-Large ..............
Student Coordinator.............
ExOfficio. ...........
.).. ....... Edwidge Crevecoeur
Dee. Dr. Howard Brabson
Weselene Wiley
NABSW Voter
Participation Drive
NABSW initiated a voter awareness
project from September 1 through
November 6, 1984. The project was im-
plemented by local NABSW chapters.
The organization acquired thousands of
brightly colored red ribbons with bold
black print that urged community
members to “VOTE: STROLL TO THE
POLL”. A one dollar donation was re-
quested for the ribbons with proceeds
going to support community service
projects.
The following NABSW chapters sold
200 or more ribbons:
Arkansas, State Chapter, Boston,
MA, Dallas, TX, Detroit, MI, Essex
County; TJ, Flint, Mi, < Mian, 7.6,
Oklahoma City, OK, Rochester, NY, St.
Louis, MO, South Jersey State Chapter,
Tulsa, OK.
Special thanks to all participating
chapters. Although the national election
is behind us, NABSW encourages local
chapters to continue active voter
awareness projects with state and local
elections and issues as well. @
President’s Message
(Continued from Page 1)
NABSW cannot wait four years to return.
We must use our international experience
to promote more tours to Africa.
In the past, we made some ad-
ministrative mistakes, but we have
learned from our errors. Our ten years ex-
perience in international travel, probably
puts us further ahead than most groups.
With the addition of our new Travel
Manager, Albert Bryant, and our newly
appointed International Conference
Chair, Aramintha Grant, we how have in
house, the resources needed for better
management of our tours.
We are looking forward to increased
participation by our membership and
other interested members of the African
American community, who are willing to
learn from and experience the joys of in-
ternational travel. | look forward to
August, 1985, when the 11th Interna-
tional Conference will convene in St.
Thomas. @
1985 International
Conference
Plans for the 11th Annual NABSW
International Conference are underway.
The conference will be held in the Virgin
Islands, in August of 1985.
Topic afeas to,be explored at the
conference aré: " ° ™
- The African American Family in
the Virgin Islands.
- Cultural Retention, Syncretism,
and Assimilation of the African
American in the Virgin Islands.
- Impact of the U.S. Retrenchment
in Social Services in the U.S.
Virgin Islands.
Persons interested in conducting a
workshop or presentation at the con-
ference are encouraged to forward
abstracts to:
Ms. Armintha Grant, Chairperson
International Education Conference
NABSW
271 W. 125th, Rm. 317
New York, N.Y. 10027
Information on_ specific dates,
transportation arrangements, and hotel
accommodations are forthcoming in the
next issue of the newsletter. @
New Orleans Is Site
For 17th Annual
National Conference
The National Association of Black
Social Workers will convene its seven-
teenth (17th) annual conference in New
Orleans, Louisiana, April 9th - 12th,
1985, at the Hyatt Regency Hotel.
The National Conference Commit-
tee, under the direction of Co-
Chairpersons E. C. Bell of Jackson,
Miss., and E. Hill Delaney of Flint, Ml, in
concert with the New Orleans NABSW
host chapter are confident that this will
be a most successful conference. The
call for workshop proposals has been
issued. Those interested in presenting a
workshop or purchasing a booth for an
exhibit can obtain further information by
contacting the NABSW National Office.
The 1985 Conference Theme: “The
Past We Inherit, The Future We Create:
Social Work and Social Action’, will
serve as the organization focal point for
all conference activity. PLAN NOW TO
ATTEND!!!
Office of
Student Affairs
The purposes of the Office of Stu-
dent Affairs are communication, ad-
vocacy and the support of student con-
cerns to both national officers and local
chapters.
The new officers are: Edwidge
Crevecoeur, Student Coordinator - Col-
umbia University; Joy L. Scroggins, 1st
Vice-Student Coordinator - Tuskegee In-
stitute; Valerie Sims, 2nd Vice-Student
Coordinator - University of lowa; An-
tionette Ferguson, Secretary -Tuskegee
Institute; Raynette Johnson, Treasurer -
Tuskegee Institute; Larry Gant,
Resource Person University of
Michigan; Dr. Maggie Jackson, Student
Advisor - Cleveland State University.
The immediate goal of the office is
to increase student membership. An at-
tempt to revitalize student chapters is
underway. To make this goal a reality,
assistance from every member and
potential member is needed. Each
reader of this article should contact
students in his or her city and encourage
participation.
Economic support is a never ending
problem, therefore local student
chapters are encouraged to plan and im-
plement fundraisers during Black
History Month. It is important for local
chapters to plan to be in New Orleans for
the Annual Conference. Additional in-
formation will be mailed to local
chapters regarding this matter in the
near future.
A forum is planned for the Annual
Conference. Edwidge Crevecoeur, the
Student Coordinator, will be in touch
with each existing local student chapter
with additional information regarding
this event. As plans unfold, PLEASE
lend your support. @
“Education isn’t play and it can’t
be made to look like play. It is
hard, hard work, but it can be
made interesting work.”
Child Welfare
Legistation
(Continued from Page 1)
Papers on Child Welfare Service for
Black Children and transracial adoption
guided this effort.
NABSW Steering Committee ap-
proved the concept and authorized the
committee to move forward at the July
’°84 Steering Committee in Washington,
D.C. In concert with the National
Political Education Task Force efforts to
secure a U.S. Congressional sponsor for
the proposed legislation will be made.
Further, the model will be forwarded to
local NABSW chapters to encourage
state action. @
NABSW NEWSLETTER
NABSW Chapters
The Oklahoma County Chapter
(OKC) . . . has facilitated a grant of
$9,999 from the U. S. Department of
Health and Human Services’ Office of
Human Development Services’ Ad-
ministration on Aging. The grant will
assist in financing a care center in the
Northeast section of Oklahoma City, an
area with a predominately Black popula-
tion. The center will provide services
designed to prevent placing the elderly
in institutions prematurely.
The chapter also held a _ mini-
conference on social problems. The
mini-conference was well attended by
the local sponsoring chapter, OKC, and
(6) visiting chapters from Tulsa, St.
Louis, Houston, Dallas, Kansas City, and
Missouri.
Workshop subjects included (1)
Black Leadership, (2) Black Adoption,
(3) Voc Rehab: A Majority Program, (4)
Energy and Waste, (5) Housing, and (6)
Chapter Building.
A decision was made by par-
ticipating chapters to hold this con-
ference again August, 1985 in Kansas
City.
The Houston Chapter .. . hosted the
First Southwest Regional Conference on
October 10 - 12, 1984 at the Shamrock
Hilton Hotel in Houston, Texas. The
theme of the conference was “The Black
Family - The Future Lies With Us: If Not
Us, Who”? There were a total of 24
workshops offered addressing issues
concerning the Black family and the
Black community at large.
In addition to the workshops local
playwright Thomas Meloncon presented
a play that he specifically wrote for
NABSW, entitled the “Case of the
Paper’.
The Plenary Session keynote
speakers were Dr. Morris F. X. Jeff, Jr.,
Director, City Welfare, New Orleans, LA
and Patricia Baxter Jefferson, Instructor,
North Forest Independent School
District. The keynote speaker for the
conference luncheon was Dr. Na’im
Akbar, Clinical Psychologist, Florida
State University.
New Orleans . . . sponsored two
political forums in September, 1984 for
local candidates. The chapter conducted
a one week summer youth camp pro-
gram enrolling 200 participants. Other
activities with youth i.e. workshops on
Teenage Pregnancy and Youth and
Political Process. have been the focus
On the chapter’s planning along
with planning for the 1985 National
Conference.
The New Jersey State Council of
Black Social Workers . . . presented its
11th Annual Conference December 7th
and 8th, 1984. The conference theme
was “Social Workers as Catalysts for
Social, Political, and Economic Change.
Reverend Ben Chavis was a keynote
speaker.
Grambling State University
Chapter . . . congratulations on the re-
cent chartering of the chapter October
19, 1984. Officers Nannette Johnson,
President; Viola Davis, Vice President;
Brenda Davis, Secretary; James
Coleman, Treasurer and members look
forward to a mutually fruitful association
with NABSW and express their pride in
becoming members of the association!!!
Detroit Chapter of NABSW .. . par-
ticipated in a three day retreat with other
Black Human Service Administrators
discussing Teenage Pregnancy. From
this retreat came a comprehensive call
to action. The chapter will be involved
with other organizations in sponsoring a
city wide conference on Teenage
Pregnancy as well as implementing
other strategies to address this pressing
issue. The chapter also participated in
the lst Annual, Fundrais&r of Black
Family Development, Inc. (BFDI). BFDI
is a non-profit social service family agen-
cy, concerned with the stabilization and
enhancement of Black Family Life. The
agency was initiated and incorporated
by the Detroit Chapter utilizing proceeds
from the 1975 NABSW conference.
California Association of Black
Social Workers... sponsored their 10th
Annual State Conference hosted by the
Fresno Association of Black Social
Workers. Topics of workshops included
Black Youth and Unemployment, The
Elderly, Blacks in the Political Arena,
Adoption, Crimes Against Women: Rape
and Battering, and Black Health Issues.
Michigan Association of Black
Social Workers . . . held their Annual
Conference in Ann Arbor, Ml, in
November, 1984 hosted by the Huron
Valley Chapter. NABSW President,
William Merritt was a keynote speaker. ™
On A Personal Note
Paul Saunders, Chairperson of the
NABSW Health Committee and active
member of the St. Louis Chapter, prac-
tices what he teaches and preaches. This
past fall Paul competed in the Senior
Olympics in St. Louis. He won Gold
Medals in the following events: Standing
Broad Jump, 50 Meter, 100 Meter and
200 Meter races, for the age group of
men ages 60-64. Paul also won a silver
medal and numerous ribbons in other
events. Special congratulations to
Paul!!!
Weselene Wiley, NABSW Member-
at-Large and 1984 Conference presenter
of the workshop “Patchwork Dreaming”
has relocated from Dallas, Texas to
Memphis, Tennessee, where she is now
the Executive Director of Youthville,
USA. Weselene reports that her dreams
made of patches (wishes, hopes, plans
and revisions) have transported her to a
new reality in Memphis. However, she
takes with her continuing commitment
to NABSW as evidenced in Dallas. @
NABSW Launches
National Leadership
Development Project
Recognizing the need for a
systematic review and assessment of the
growth of the organization, and to pro-
mote the development of leadership
qualities among its members, the
National Steering Committee voted in
April, 1984 to institute the Leader-
ship Development Project (NLDP) by
establishing a program for Interim
Directors.
The NLDP was designed to en-
courage the participation of exceptionally
qualified Black social work academi-
cians, researchers, scholars and practi-
tioners in the development of NABSW on
the national level. The utilization of In-
terim Directors will help to assure con-
tinued vitality and innovation within the
organization's national leadership posi-
tions. In addition, it offers the individual
an opportunity for professional growth
and development in the field of Black
social welfare.
To qualify for the program, _in-
dividuals must be social work profes-
sionals with demonstrated knowledge
and expertise in the areas of social work
education, social welfare policy, ad-
ministration, research and/or organiza-
tional development. Also, evidence of
leadership ability must be present in past
professional activities of the applicant.
Appointments are made on July 1, and
January 1, and cannot exceed one year.
Dr. Patricia Reid-Bookhart, Associate
Professor of Social Work at Stockton
State College in Pomona, N.J., and Presi-
dent of the South Jersey Chapter has
been selected as the program's first par-
ticipant. Stockton State College has
granted her a sabbatical in order that she
may participate in the project.
Dr. Reid-Bookhart is a graduate of
Temple University School of Social Ad-
ministration (MSW), and the University of
Pennsylvania School of Social Work
(DSW). She is the founding President of
the South Jersey Chapter and an active
member of the National Steering
Committee.
Dr. Reid-Bookhart’s appointment will
begin on January 1, 1985. She will
initiate a research project designed to
assess the impact of National policy on
organizational activity on the state and
local level.
For further information regarding
future appointments, contact the
National Office at 212-749-0470. =
“Perhaps the most valuable
result of all education is the
ability to make ourselves do the
thing we have to do when it
ought to be done, whether we
like it or not.”
NABSW NEWSLETTER
Political Education Task Force
The NABSwW Political Education Task Force is in the process of up-dating the NABSW
Position Papers. Leonard Long, Dallas Chapter and Patricia Reid-Bookhart, South
Jersey Chapter are coordinating this effort. The committee is also planning a Political
Education forum to be held at the National Conference in New Orleans.
NABSW Committees
Fund Raising
Health
Licensing
National Conference
Personnel
Political Education/Welfare Resources
And Allocations
Dr. Maggie Jackson, Advisor
CHAIRPERSONS
Sidney Bosewell
Charles Mays
Judith Hilliard
Lynn Nicholson
Linda Thomas
Jewell Garrison
Ray Cooper
Dr, Fred Smith
Dr: Morris Jeff, Jr.
Alice Windom
Weselene Wiley
Paul Saunders
Winston Brown
Aramintha Grant
Maxine Maye
Leonard Dungston
E. C. Bell
E. Hill Delaney
Edwidge Crevecoeur
Percy Steele, Jr.
Gerald Smith
Plan To Attend The 17th Annual
National Conference In New Orleans.
NABSW Calendar
Of Events
January 18 - 20, 1985
National Steering Committee
Tucson, AZ
April 9 - 12, 1985
National Conference
New Orleans, LA
July, 1985
National Steering Committee
To Be Announced
October, 1985
National Steering Committee
Richmond, VA
Communications
Committee
If you would like to submit an article for
the NABSW Newsletter, please forward
to: NABSW
271 W. 125th - Rm. 317
New York, NY 10027
Attn: Judith Hilliard,
Chairperson Communications
The committee plans to publish a
spring 1985 newsletter. Articles should
be forwarded for consideration by
February 8, 1985. m
Did You Know...
Although the teenage population
declined by 8.3 percent between 1979
and 1983, the number of unemployed
teens rose by 21.5 percent.
Fewer than 10 out of every 100 black
teenagers have full-time jobs.
Source: U.S. Department of Labor,
Bureau of Labor Statistics, “The
Employment Situation,” July 1984. =
NABSW
271 W. 125th St., Rm. 317
New York, NY 10017
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Telephone (212) 749-0470
NABSW 271 W. 125th - New York, New York 10027
FALL, 1985
The President’s
Message...
WILLIAM T. MERRITT
This past summer | testified before
the U.S. Senate committee on Labor and
Human Services. The hearings are to
review Barriers to Adoption. However, as
usual, barriers for Black folks adopting
Black children was not seen as an issue.
Barriers to white people adopting Black
children was the only issue that was of
interest to Orrin Hatch and some others
on the committee. I, as president of
NABSW, was there to represent the in-
terest of: African-American children who
should not be in the system, children
who are waiting for Black Adoptive
Homes which are available, and Black
Social Workers who are subjected to
discriminatory hiring practices. They of
course had their Director of Spence
Chapin Jane Edwards who claimed to be
a member of NABSW. She stated that
Black families could be found for older
Black children but not for infants and
therefore these children should be
placed in white homes which were
readily available. It is a fact that in-spite
of the games played with Black families
there are more than enough families
who have been recruited and are ready
to adopt our children.
Also testifying was the
“multi-ethnic” sister adopted by a white
family after being in Black foster homes
for 10 years. She was angry about
NABSW's position, since she feels that
she was denied a permanent home
earlier and that this family was not
destructive to her. The fact is that our
position did not stop her from getting a
permanent home. It was the agency’s un-
willingness and/or its inadequacy to find
what was available, that is, a good
African-American home.
Whether “‘she”’ did well in a trans-
racial home or not is not the issue. The
large number of Black children returned
to foster care because their white adop-
tive parents later learned that they could
not care for them is the real issue. We
also heard testimony that all studies of
transracial adoptions indicate that Black
children do adjust well in white homes.
However, what was not given a great deal
of consideration was the testimony that
there is no data involving children over
sixteen. Now that would be an in-
teresting study, since we all know that it
is then when a Black child becomes the
social being and it is then that he/she
has the greatest problem adjusting to
this racist society.
There were a few people who were
there to testify to the real issues. Denn
Hester, a white former foster child and
author, testified that he believes that
Black children belonged in Black
homes, as did Father Paul Engel of
Downey Side, New York City. He also
testified that his agency had over three
hundred families (50% minority)
(Continued on Page 2)
Racial Matching For Child
Placements Challenged
NABSW has maintained a position
that Black children should be placed in
Black homes for fostering and adoption.
While many states have policies that
essentially support racially matching
children and parents (either adoptive or
foster), stringent efforts are underway to
overturn these policies.
The American Civil Liberties Union
(ACLU) and other organizations have at-
tacked the legality of regulations in the
majority of states that favor or require
racial matching in foster care and adop-
tions. Seemingly, the ACLU does not ob-
ject to race being considered in child
placement, but indicates race must be
viewed in conjunction with other factors.
Other organizations seek to eliminate
race as a factor at all.
Recently in Michigan, U.S. District
Judge Robert DeMascio ordered that a
22 year old Black child be returned to a
white foster care home. (The child had
been removed from the home in accord-
ance with state regulations and placed in
a Black foster home.) ACLU represented
the white foster family, filing suit
against the Michigan Department of
Social Services to return the child.
Judge DeMascio ruled that the child
was removed from the foster care home
of 14 months for no other purpose than
race. “That was the sole and predomi-
nant factor and it is absolutely absurd,”
stated DeMascio in his bench decision.
Although a psychologist’s report on the
child recommended against returning
the child indicating that being raised ina
non-Black home would harm the child
psychologically, the judge dismissed the
report, stating it was “shallow .. . and
just wrong.”
NABSW National Vice-President,
Paul Hubbard, and Detroit Chapter
President, Geneva Williams, in a press
conference, responded to the decision.
(Continued on Page 6)
2
President’s Message
(Continued from Page 1)
available to adopt children. Marsha
Robinson Lowry, Director of Childrens’
Rights Project of the American Civil
Liberties Union, testified that transracial
adoption was not the real issue. She
stated, “It (child welfare) has often been
seen as a benevolent system, one which
“reserves” children from abusive parents
and neglected homes and places them
with kindly and competent caretakers.
Instead the reality is quite different.
Many children are wrenched from caring
biological parents who could raise
their children in their own homes if
meaningful services were provided. . .”
The point is that while these
testimonies were supportive of our posi-
tion, it was only NABSW who was there
to articulate the unfair treatment of
Black children and Black families.
Therefore, we must as Black Social
Workers continue to organize and
mobilize our ranks to deal with those
systems and _ institutions that are
destructive to African people. We must
continue to develop our own programs
and systems that are needed to support
our own children and families. If we do
not, who will? Important to my
testimony was being able to cite positive
results of programs developed by Black
Social Workers and factual information
gathered by African-American people.
Still there is much more needed by all of
us. To be strong, we need more written
studies, articles and books to inform our
membership and African people in
general, not to defend our position but
to establish our position as a people.
NABSW chapters and each individual
member must realize the significant
challenge of changing the environment
where our children must live. - - Giving
impetus to create our own institutions,
to change policies and procedures that
harm us and by providing information
and understanding that all African-
Americans must work toward this end.
While many participants con-
gratulated me in terms of how | handled
this hostility and difficult situation, |
could not have been well prepared
without the help of Leora Neal, Janice
Shindler of the New York Adoption Pro-
gram and Pat Reid-Bookhart or the sup-
port of Louvenia Williams, Washington,
D.C., Evelyn Eggleston, New York City,
Leola McKoy, New York City, Shirley
McCain, New York Affiliate National
Black Child Institute and others, present
at the hearings.
KKK KKK KE
Great News, | recently had the pleasure
of welcoming two new chapters to our
ranks. Hudson-Bergen County NABSW
recently organized in New Jersey and
the Indianapolis NABSW Chapter
organized in Indiana.
a Wice Piesident <2 3 Ee
NABSW EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Cte eee Se Ree le ere 8
: Secretary 2... 6-20. eevee eee eee eee eee
Treasurer Kat bk Moniek AN Wk ne ret kine olg 3 6 So tee eh aie,
... William T. Merritt
The greatest pleasure was seeing the
enthusiasm of our new members and
how prepared they are to commit
themselves to the Black community.
Let’s also congratulate Dr. Ernest Webb
and the other new officers of the
Chicago Chapter. | am looking forward
to the continued good work and support
of that chapter. | am also sure that Dr.
Ernest with two new titles of Doctor and
President is walking on AIR by now.
Congratulations Ernest.
Recently | was quoted in the NASW
newspaper as saying that most of our
members were lazy Social Workers. Cor-
rection - | said that our opposition to
Social Work licensing should not be con-
strued to suggest that training and
education were not important.
Since NABSW's inception our
membership has been comprised of
many graduate level trained members.
Today, we have numerous members
with doctorate degrees, master’s degrees
either in social work or closely related
human service fields.
While our priority is the Black com-
munity, not the profession, we do em-
phasize the need for sensitive, caring,
and trained social workers. Indeed, the
workshops offered at the National,
Regional, State and Local conferences
focus on skill enhancement. =
National Member
Committee
The National Membership Commit-
tee is concerned with increasing the
overall membership of the National
Organization and assisting chapters in
their communication with the National
Office.
Presently the members of this com-
mittee are: Sondra Sims, Chairperson,
Tulsa, OK; Sharon Y. Bomar, Co-
Chairperson, Atlanta, GA; Stella
Browne, Atlanta, GA; E. Hill DeLoney,
Flint, Ml; Cegus Reed, Jackson, MS;
Sidney Boswell, Houston, TX; Jenice
Wiltz, New Orleans, LA; Bernice Frinch,
Somerset, NJ; Allen Coates, New York,
NY; and Lorraine White, Tucson, AZ.
The Membership Committee invites
all members of NABSW and interested
potential members to contact any com-
mittee member if you have questions,
concerns, or comments about the func-
tioning of chapters.
This committee meets during all
Steering Committee meetings. =
MINNIE D. DIXON
(1933 - 1985)
Ms. Minnie D. Dixon passed May 10,
1985. She was an active and supportive
member of New York City Chapter,
NABSW.
As a community activist and social
change agent, she worked not only in
NABSW, but with several other organiza-
tions in her community.
NABSW will long remember Minnie’s
devotion to uplift the lives of others and
her continuous fight for a just society.
The New York Chapter has established
a Minnie D. Dixon Scholarship Fund.
NABSW Chapters Engage
in Service Delivery
Projects
The Association of Black Social
Workers of Metropolitan Washington
and the Mental Retardation/ Devel-
opmental Disabilities Administration of
the D.C. Department of Human Services
have received funding of $25,000.00
from the Social Services Block Grant.
The project began on October 1, 1985
and ends September 30, 1986. The title
of the project is “Assisted Parenting”.
The goal is to protect, nurture, and aid in
the healthy development of minor
children of mentally retarded parents
through provision of supportive in-
tervention with agencies serving the
population and parenting skills training.
The project will serve up to one hun-
dred (100) mentally retarded parents. In-
depth interviews will be conducted to
assess the met and unmet needs of this
population. A model for serving mental-
ly retarded parents will be developed. A
consortium of primary service agen-
cies/organizations that serve this popula-
tion will be formed in an attempt to im-
prove services. There will be two city
wide parenting workshops held for pro-
ject participants and other interested in-
dividuals. The project will close the
fiscal year with the development of a
proposal for funding for 1986. The grant
will be used to pay the salary of one full
time MSW and travel cost to project
participants.
The Oklahoma City, OK Chapter has
been awarded a $2,000.00 grant from
the Granett Corporation to help supple-
ment the chapter's Geriatric Alternative
Care Center. Oklahoma City Chapter
President, Roosevelt Milton, states that
the center is continuing to serve
minority elderly people of northeast
Oklahoma City with an emphasis on
prevention of premature institutionali-
zation.
The Alternative Care Center is the
first adult day care program to be spon-
sored by a professional, minority, non-
profit organization. Although Black peo-
ple have been a target population group
for aging services, it appears that com-
munity based adult day care may be a
Office of Student Affairs
The Office of Student Affairs con-
tinues in its effort to increase student in-
volvement in NABSW and to address the
issues faced by Black students in the
field of social work.
STUDENT OFFICERS
Coordinator ..... Edwidge Crevecoeur
1st Vice President....... Joyce Robins
Tuskegee State
2nd Vice President. . . .Kimberly Poston
Stockton State College
Secretary .20 044s James Coleman
Grambling State
Freasurer 34.615 4. Laverne Hutchins
Jackson State
Dr. Maggie Jackson serves as the
student advisor. =
more viable alternative to institu-
tionalization. The Oklahoma Chapter
believes that this project will demonstrate
the cost-effectiveness (socially, emo-
tionally, and financially) of targeted and
effective programming. Related implica-
tions of the pilot program also involve
tailoring recruitment efforts to the target
population and the manner in which “at
risk for institutionalization” is deter-
mined. The chapter implemented the
program in 1984.
Further information on the program
may be obtained by contacting:
Oklahoma County Chapter of NABSW,
P. O. Box 18948, Oklahoma City,
OK 73154.
If your chapter is involved in a ser-
vice delivery project, please let the Na-
tional Office know about it. The Com-
munications Committee would like to
highlight chapter sponsored projects in
each issue of the newsletter. =
SET RS LL RE EL I
NABSW International
Education Conference
Over one hundred and thirty par-
ticipants attended the _ International
Education Conference in St. Thomas.
This was the first year that the Interna-
tional Conference was organized and
promoted solely by the organization.
This proved to be a most profitable ex-
perience for NABSW with an expected
profit of nine thousand dollars.
Ms. Aramintha Grant, Chair of the In-
ternational Conference Committee, Mr.
Al Bryant, and the NABSW Executive
Committee organized the workshops
which were well attended with respon-
sive and enthusiastic participants. Most
of the conferees also toured the islands
of St. John and Tortola. Media coverage
of the conference was excellent!
Planning for the 1986 International
Conference in Brazil is already under-
way. @
NABSW Education
Committee
The Education Committee spon-
sored the CEU (Continuing Education
Units for participating in non-academic
learning experiences) Program at the
1985 National Conference in New
Orleans. Forty-three participants com-
pleted the CEU registration process and
received certificates of award. The Com-
mittee will also implement the CEC
Program at the 1986 Conference in
Houston.
Proposed Goals and Objectives for
the Education Committee, July 1, 1985
through June 30, 1986 are as follows:
GOAL I
To strengthen the workshop for-
mat/structure and to ensure its con-
tent meets the implied standards of the
mission statement.
Objectives:
1. To review the 1985 Conference
Evaluation forms and _ initiate
those recommendations as deemed
appropriate.
2. To conduct a chapter by chapter
educational needs/interest assess-
ment.
3. To work with the Conference Com-
mittee/Program Chair in the refine-
ment of workshop content design/
evaluation.
GOAL II
To provide credit free courses to assist
members and perspective members to
enhance their practice competencies.
Objectives:
1. To conduct a chapter by chapter
educational needs/interest assess-
ment.
2. To institute a National Call for Papers
Press on proposed content areas.
The Education Committee has also
recommended two candidates to receive
scholarships. (During the January, 1983
Steering Committee it was recom-
mended and approved that commencing
with the 1985 Annual Conference, one
dollar ($1.00) from each conference
registration would be utilized to
establish a scholarship program for
students based on demonstrated need
and academic excellence.)
The recommendations of the Educa-
tion Committee and the proposed Goals
and Objectives will be voted upon at the
October 1985 steering ee =
4
Houston, Texas Site of
NABSW 1986 Conference
The NABSW Conference Committee
is finalizing plans for the 18th Annual
Conference to be held April 15-19, 1986
at the Shamrock Hilton Hotel in
Houston, Texas. The conference theme
is: “The Black Community: Unity and
Strengths; Conceive, Believe and
Achieve.”
The call for proposals to present
workshop or research papers has been
disseminated to NABSW members. Per-
sons interested in conducting a
workshop should immediately contact
Maxine Maye, P.O. Box 76685,
Washington, D.C. 20013.
The conference schedule includes
workshops, plenary sessions, a political
education forum, and an international
workshop. National elections will be
held during the conference. Conference
co-chairpersons E. Hill DeLoney and E.
C. Bell expect that this will be a most
successful conference.
The 1985 conference held in New
Orleans had over one thousand con-
ferees in attendance. Positive evalua-
tions were received from the workshop
participants. The Conference Commit-
tee and the New Orleans Chapter are to
be commended for their outstanding
leadership, planning, and hard work.
The 1986 Houston host chapter has met
with the New Orleans Chapter and the
National Conference in planning the
18th Annual Conference. Houston
promises to also be an exciting and
well planned conference. Plan now to
attend. @
NABSW Calendar of Events
October 25-27, 1985
National Steering Committee
Richmond, VA
January 24-26, 1986
National Steering Committee
Columbia, South Carolina
April 15-19, 1986
National Conference
Houston, TX
July, 1986
National Steering Committee
Flint, Ml
August, 1986
International Educational Conference
Brazil, South America
October, 1986
National Steering Committee
Oklahoma City, OK
January, 1987
National Steering Committee
West Palm Beach, Florida
My problem is not to
_ counteract the white man’s
| prejudice against the Negro.
| That does not matter. I have
_ set myself to educate my
_ brother to believe in himself. —
- Paul Robeson
Robert Reed, President New Orleans Chapter, NABSW and Charles Evers, Keynote
Speaker at the Chapter’s Annual Founders Day Banquet.
NABSW Political
Education Task Force
The NABSW Political Education
Task Force in conjunction with the
NABSW Comprehensive Black Child
and Family Services Committee is in the
process of developing an extensive con-
cept paper on Adoption and Foster Care.
The paper will serve to expand and
clarify NABSW’s current position paper
on Transracial Placement.
Once developed the paper will be
disseminated to NABSW chapters, na-
tional, state, and local elected officials.
The paper will also be utilized as support
to the National Child Heritage Bill which
was written by NABSW. Efforts are still
underway to obtain congressional spon-
sorship of the bill.
NABSW members who know of
existing studies and/or research papers
on foster care and adoptions and their
impact on Black children and families
are asked to forward this to Gerald K.
Smith, Chair of the Political Education
Task Force, 3360 Charlevoix, Detroit, Ml
48207. Additionally, the Political Educa-
tion Task Force and the Comprehensive
Black Child Committee would like to
hear of developments in respective com-
munities regarding transracial
placements and successful programs
which address: (1) the preservation of
Black families via prevention programs
which avert initial placement of children
out of their natural homes; (2) programs
which demonstrate effective recruitment
and licensing of Black foster care
homes. #
“Striving For Excellence”
At the Steering Committee meeting
held in Boston, steering committee
members discussed the paper, “Getting
Beyond Getting Over” with one of its
authors, Ray Hammond, Efficacy Com-
mittee. The paper presents hypothesis on
the academic underachievement of Black
students. There was mixed reaction to the
paper regarding the labeling of Black
people and the impact of racism and op-
pression upon performance. Despite the
concerns of discrimination, generally
there was agreement on: (1) Black people
should lead the effort to achieve
academic excellence among our youth;
(2) Discipline, study, and hard work are
the rudiments of achievement; (3) Black
adults must be active and participating
role models in the lives of our youth; (4)
we must expect and demonstrate the very
best from ourselves as adults and our
youth.
You may obtain a copy of the paper
by requesting from the National Office or
Paul Hubbard, NABSW Vice President,
New Detroit, Inc., One Kennedy Square,
Detroit, Ml 48226."
About NABSW Chapters
The Atlanta Chapter of Black Social
Workers held their Ninth Annual Human
Service Awards Banquet.
The general chapter membership
votes on several community leaders who
have made outstanding contributions to
the community. The 1985 honorees
were Mrs. Billye Aaron, Area Develop-
ment Director for the United Negro Col-
lege Fund, Inc., and Mrs. Susie LaBord,
Director of the Day Care Center at Grady
Homes in Southwest Atlanta.
Mr. Robbie T. Littles, NABSW Na-
tional Secretary and Executive Director
of Concerned Alliance for Progressive
Action, Inc. in West Palm Beach, Florida
was the keynote speaker.
The Board of Directors of the Atlanta
Chapter are: Carol Robinson, President;
Clay Normand, Vice President; Clarinda
Johnston, Recording Secretary; JoAnn
Morrow, Treasurer; and Stella Browne,
Steering Committee Representative.
Metropolitan Washington Associa-
tion Chapter . . . The oldest graduate of
the Class of 1985, Mrs. Warrena Hannah,
received her MA in adult education from
the University of the District of
Columbia (UDC) in May. At age 70,
Mrs. Hannah also chairs the Aging
Committee of the chapter.
The Metropolitan Washington Chap-
ter is one of 17 member organizations of
the D.C. Coalition of Black Professional
Organizations. Formed in 1984, the
main purpose of the Coalition is net-
working, sharing information that af-
fects us as professionals in our diverse
fields and as Black people. Other profes-
sions represented include psychologists,
data processors, sales and~ marketing,
business, librarians, accountants, health
planners, MBAs, lawyers, journalists,
bankers, and political scientists.
__ The chapter co-sponsored a recogni-
tion dinner with the Assn. of Black
Psychologists. ABPSI'’s awardee for
outstanding service to the Black com-
munity was Brother John Thompson,
age of the Georgetown Hoyas basket-
all team. The chapter's recipient of the
Community Service Award was Sister
Kimi Gray, mother of 5 and former
welfare recipient, for her work as an ac-
tivist In a housing development in the
Kenilworth neighborhood of Northeast
Washington.
The Chicago Chapter of NABSW
new officers include Dr. Earnest Webb,
President; Mr. William Smart, Treasurer,
Ms. Sandra Hall, Assistant Secretary;
and Mr. Winston Brown, Steering
Committee Delegate.
2 Shapes are four additional officers
fone. term of office will end in January,
- They include Mr. Nemiah
Matthews, Vice President; Ms. Denise
Blalock, Recording Secretary; Ms. Rita
Houston, Financial Secretary; and Mr.
Ndugu Cage, Parliamentarian.
The New Orleans Chapter spon-
sored its Seventh Annual Founder’s Day
Banquet. This celebration honored
Millie Charles, NOABSW Founder and
outstanding New Orleans Citizens who
are dedicated to serving the Black Com-
munity. The theme for this most
memorable event was “The Black
Family, Community, and Politics: Let’s
Continue to be Involved.”
The 1985 Man of the Year is Dr.
Keith C. Ferdinand, a New Orleans
physician. Dr. Ferdinand supported the
New Orleans Chapter in educating Black
Adolescents in the areas of sex educa-
tion and teenage pregnancy.
The 1985 Woman of the Year was
Ms. Sally Ann Roberts, a New Orleans
television news reporter and journalist.
Ms. Joyce Washington Ivery, Im-
mediate Past President, received the
Founders Award. Ms. Ivery has
demonstrated capable leadership and
guidance. She served as President
for two terms and has moved the
organization forward.
Mr. Charles Evers, former Mayor of
Fayette, MS and former Field Director
of Mississippi NAACP was the keynote
speaker for the evening. Mr. Evers
emphasized the need to become more
responsible for our own needs. He fur-
ther stressed the need to become both
political and financially empowered.
Grand Rapids, MI - “1985... And
The Struggle Continues” is the theme of
the Michigan Association of Black
Social Workers State Conference held in
November. Chapter members have been
hard at work planning the conference
and are expecting a most successful and
productive conference.
Indianapolis, IN is one of the newest
chapters of NABSW. National President
William Merritt presented the charter in
June. Local charter members include
Lorado Merriweather, President; Wanda
Carpenter, Secretary; Thereasu L.
Roberts, Treasurer; Lucy Roberts
Cannon, Cynthia Donel, Gerson Gamor,
Frankye Johnson, Pamela Hall,
Charlotte Lillard, Kanya Oliver, Marcene
Royster, Annette Ward, and Chez
Rusnnugulco.
Special congratulations to the
Indianapolis Chapter and we look for-
ward to hearing about developments of
the Chapter and its positive impact with
the Black community.
Boston, MA hosted the July, 1985
Steering Committee.
Special thanks to the chapter
members for a warm reception to Steer-
ing Committee representatives and for
the chapter's hard work in organizing the
weekend.
*,
Tulsa, OK Chapter, in recognition of
Senior Citizen month honored Mrs.
Buena Cole of Muskogee, OK. Mrs. Cole,
83, is a retired school teacher and prin-
cipal and has provided scholarship aid
to students through the Christian
Evangelism Project Center since 1970.
Also, chapter member Ms. Linda
Thomas was named as an Outstanding
Young Woman of America for 1985. Ms.
Thomas, Vice President of the Tulsa
Chapter and co-chair of the NABSW
Comprehensive Black Child and Family
Services Committee has been active in
the recruitment of Black foster parents
in the Tulsa area.
Detroit, MI has been arduous in ar-
ticulating the NABSW position of place-
ment of Black children in Black homes
both for fostering and adoption. Chapter
members participated in a picket of the
Michigan Department of Social Services
to express opposition of a Black
youngster being placed in a White foster
care home. President, Geneva Jones
Williams and other chapter members
have made numerous TV and radio
appearances discussing the organiza-
tion’s position.
The chapter has also been active in
networking with other local Black
organizations. A boatride co-sponsored
with the Guardians Association, an
organization of Black Police Officers,
was one of most successful fund raising
events netting over six thousand dollars.
Dallas, TX hosted the 2nd Annual
Southwest Regional Conference, No-
vember 1-2, 1985. “The Black Family:
Changes, Challenges, Choices” was the
conference theme. Keynoters for the
conference were William Merritt, Presi-
dent NABSW and Dr. Wright L. Lassiter,
President, Bishop College.
Syracuse, NY hosted the New York
State Conference in October. Dr. Craigs
Beverly, Dean of the Atlanta School of
Social Work, and Dr. Alfred Pasteur,
Professor, Hunter College were speakers
at the conference. The conference
theme was “Black Networking: A Time
to Move Forward.”
Hartford, Connecticut will host the
New England Regional Conference
November 7-9, 1985. “Keeping The
Pendulum Swaying Towards Social
Change: Political, Economic, and Social
Survival in the Eighties” is the con-
ference theme. Dr. Gloria Dickerson,
Trenton State College and Dr. Ben
Chavis are keynote speakers for the con-
ference.
Flint, MI recently sponsored a com-
munity wide workshop series. Workshop
topics for the special day devoted to
Black men included “Black Men Nurtur-
ing Black Boys,” “Black Fathers: A
Strong But Silent Majority,” “Educating
Black Males,” and “Preparing Young
Black Males For Life Challenges.”
6
Racial Matching
(Continued from Page 1)
Williams stated, “We (NABSW) believe
that race should be one of the priority
decisions for placing a child, for the best
interest of the child.” Paul Hubbard said,
“A lot of white families that want to pro-
vide foster care or adopt Black children
may be well-meaning”, Hubbard stated.
“They probably could provide a good
home for that child, but the real world is
still racist. The psychological damage
evidences when that child thinking
everything is equal becomes a teenager
or adult. Black children must be able to
develop coping and survival mecha-
nisms to get along in a society that is
racist.”
Hubbard and Williams pointed out
that the foster care system must be ad-
dressed. Both affirmed that better
marketing plans were needed to develop
more Black foster care homes. Further,
that the barriers that often exclude
and/or screen out Black families who
apply to be foster care homes must be
changed. =
Communications
Committee
If you would like to submit an article for
the NABSW Newsletter, please forward
to:
NABSW
271 W. 125th - Rm. 317
New York, NY 10027
Attn: Judith Hilliard,
Chairperson Communications
The committee plans to publish a winter
1986 newsletter. Articles should be
forwarded for consideration by
December 15, 1985. =
NABSW
271 W. 125th St., Rm. 317
New York, NY 10017
NABSW Committees
Communication and Information
Comprehensive Black Child and Family Services
Education
Employment
Finance
Fund Raising
Health
Housing
International Education Conference
International
Licensing
Membership
National Conference
Office of Student Affairs
CHAIRPERSONS
Sidney Bosewell
Charles Mays
Judith Hilliard
Lynn Nicholson
Linda Thomas
Jewell Garrison
Ray Cooper
Dr. Fred Smith
Dr. Morris Jeff, Jr.
Alice Windom
Weselene Wiley
Paul Saunders
Maxine Maye
Leonard Dungston
Sondra Simms
Sharon Bomar
E. C. Bell
E. Hill DeLoney
Edwidge Crevecoeur
Dr. Maggie Jackson, Advisor
Personnel
Political Education/Welfare Resources
And Allocations
Percy Steele, Jr.
Gerald Smith
Plan To Attend The
NABSW 1986 Conference
in Houston, Texas
NON-PROFIT
U.S. POSTAGE
PAID
NEW YORK, NY
PERMIT NO. 1017
st
ov
te
py
ti
fe
oi)
ee JO urn al of the Reaganomics and Black Children: Social
rs a Policy Considerations
Sad National Patricia E. Bauknight and Reginald S. Avery
ts Association The Atlanta Crisis: A Stress Prevention
ef of Model for Adults and Children
/ Jennie C. Trotter
Y Black
¥ Soci ql Youth Violence, the Juvenile Gang and Social
Traumatization: A Black Community
Wo r ke rs Perspective
Arthur L. Ellis
Impotent Rage: A Consequence of
Unemployment
Olita D. Harris
Industry-Family Partnership: Implications for
Black Families and Black Social Workers
Jean A. McRae
Ethnic Diversity in Social Work Education:
Myth or Reality?
Andrew Edwards
Volume 15, 1984 - 1985
National Association of
Black Social Workers, Inc.
271 West 125th Street, Suite 317 ¢ New York, N.Y. 10027
Phone (212) 749-0470
National President William T. Merritt
National Vice President Paul Hubbard
National Secretary Robbie T. Little
National Treasurer Stella Brown
National Chairman, Publication Committee Judy Hilliard
National Student Coordinator Edwidge Crevecoe
Members-at-Large Percy Steele, Jr.
Weselene Wile
Editor, Black Caucus Journal Lawrence E. Gary
Associate Editor Bogart R. Leashore
EDITORIAL BOARD
Peggy Baxter Allen Coates Williara T. Greene
Richmond, California New York, New York Yorktown Heights, New York
Shirley Better Lawrence E. Gary Wil iam iS Pollard
Los Angeles, California Washington, D.C. Grambling, Louisiana
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The articles submitted for publication to the journal are reviewed by editorial referees whose counsel and critiques weigh heavily in ype
which Papers are accepted and what their published content will be. The editor expresses his appreciation for the help of the following ee sh
who contributed vastly to the maintenance of standards for our journal: Drs. Iris Carlton-LaNey, Dorothy Jefferson-Blackburn, K seapnase> ue of
and Moses Newsome. Staff members of The Institute for Urban Affairs and Research have also been helpful in the production of this aa Ms
the journal. The contributions of the following are acknowledged: Ms. Gayle Weaver, Ms. Emma Davis, Ms. Annette Allele Oe ae
Jean A. McRae. Also, the Mental Health Research and Development Center of the Institute for Urban Affairs and Research, Howard Uni
IS acknowledged for its Support in the preparation of this issue.
Copyright 1985
National Association of Black Social Workers
é S| U C U S$ Journal of the National Association of Black Social Workers
Volume 15, 1984-1985
Contents Page
Editorial 2
Articles
Reaganomics and Black Children: Social Policy Considerations 3
Patricia E. BAUKNIGHT AND REGINALD S. AVERY
The Atlanta Crisis: A Stress Prevention Model for Adults and Children
JENNIE C. TROTTER
~]
Youth Violence, the Juvenile Gang and Social Traumatization: A Black
Community Perspective 12
ARTHUR L. ELLIs
Impotent Rage: A Consequence of Unemployment 17
Ouita D. Harris
Industry-Family Partnership: Implications for Black Families and Black
Social Workers 24
JEAN A. McRat
Ethnic Diversity in Social Work Education: Myth or Reality? 30
ANDREW EDWARDS
Publications of Interest 34
Fellowships 36
Ethiopian Famine Relief 38
ee —EeEE———e
EDITORIAL
This issue of the Journal emphasizes the plight of Black
children and youth. Reports by the Children’s Defense
Fund, the National Black Child Development Institute, and
the Congressional Research Service and Congressional
Budget Office document many areas in which American
children under age 18 are at risk. Of particular concern is
the increase in the nation’s poverty rate among children.
In 1983 more than one in five (22.2%) children lived in
poverty. The nearly 13.8 million poor children represent 40
percent of the total poor population. According to a congres-
sional analysis of children in poverty, the 1983 poverty rate
is the highest since the mid-1960s.
The chances of a child being poor vary sharply by race,
marital status of the mother, and the presence of the father
in the home. The Congressional Research Service/Congres-
sional Budget Office found that childhood poverty is most
prevalent among minorities, female-headed families, and
in urban and rural areas. Black children, in particular, have
a far greater chance than whites of being poor. Forty-seven
percent of Black children were poor in 1983, compared to
17 percent of white children. The Children’s Defense Fund’s
comprehensive study of the socioeconomic status of Black
and white children described Black children as “sliding
backwards.” The findings of this Study document that, in
comparison to whites, Black children are twice as likely to
die in the first year of life, be born prematurely, see a parent
die, be suspended from school, and be unemployed as
teenagers. They are three times as likely as whites to be
poor, to live in female-headed households, to be murdered
between five and nine years of age, to be in foster care,
and to have their mothers die in childbirth. Black youths are
four times as likely to be murdered as teenagers and to
be incarcerated between 15 and 19 years of age, and five
times as likely to become pregnant as teenagers than their
white counterparts. Finally, the study reports that Black
children are twelve times as likely as whites to live with a
parent who never married.
These realities demand immediate attention and action
at both the community and national levels. With the
realization that economic growth alone cannot reduce the
rate of poverty among children, political representatives
have taken steps to introduce bills that will reduce the na-
tion S poverty rates. For example, Senators Patrick
Moynihan (D-NY), Christopher Dodd (D-CT), and Represen-
tatives Charles Rangel (D-NY), Harold Ford (D-TN) and
George Miller (D-CA) have introduced bills to promote seif-
Sufficiency and family stability. The Family Economic Secu-
rity Act, proposed by Senator Moynihan, encourages the
establishment of a national minimum benefit level for Aid
BLACK CHILDREN AND YOUTH AT RISK
to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), mandates
AFDC protection for low-income two-parent families, en-
courages an increase in Federal funding for state work pro-
grams, proposes the lessening of the tax burden on low-
income two- and single-parent families, and encourages the
development of programs to prevent teenage pregnancy.
Proposals have also been introduced to extend medicaid
coverage to poor children and pregnant women and to in-
crease funding for the supplemental food program. These
proposals, as well as others, are key to ensuring a better
quality of life for Black children and youth, as well as the
reduction in the national poverty rate.
Included in this issue are three articles that directly look
at circumstances specific to the well-being of Black children
and youth. They address current policies under the Reagan
Administration which adversely affect the lives of all
American children; the juvenile gang’s positive and negative
functions; and the fear and stress produced by the murders
of Black children in Atlanta. All of these articles suggest a
need for national attention to problems confronting Black
children and youth. As arenas for social work intervention,
the profession can and should assume leadership positions
to guide our understanding of the issues, and to implement
actions necessary to resolve them. Black social workers in
particular can provide special insight, awareness, and sen-
Sitivity to the issues and resolutions as they impact on Black
children and youth.
Related to Black children and youth at risk is the problem
of unemployment which is so pronounced in the Black
community-at-large today. One of the articles in this issue
focuses our attention on what has been called ‘‘impotent
rage’’, a consequence of unemployment and the loss of
Status and self-esteem. Finally, the results of a survey of
schools of social work relative to ethnic minority content are
presented and discussed in this issue. The inclusion of
minority content—especially concerning Black children and
youth—and reducing the national unemployment rates
among Blacks in the U.S. could do much toward enhanc-
ing the well-being of Black children and youth. Collectively,
as Black social workers, we need to act now through coali-
tions for advocacy; through expressions of our concerns to
national, state, and local politicians; through our profes-
sional associations; through the agencies and organizations
in which we are employed; and through our local com-
munities. Black children and youth at risk make for Black
people at risk.
Lawrence E. Gary
Reaganomics and Black Children:
Social Policy Considerations
Patricia E. Bauknight, M.S.W.
Reginald S. Avery, Ph.D.
President Reagan’s economic recovery program is now underway. However, because of the drastic funding cutbacks in many federal
programs which began in the 1960s and 1970s, the socio-economic position of Black families and their children will deteriorate in the
1980s. This paper is but one attempt to examine the overall effects that Reaganomics has on Black children in several areas, including
economic equity, poverty, education, and employment-related variables.
he “Reagan Administration View,” in both its short-
and long-term aspects, holds that there is no
special obligation on the part of the federal govern-
ment to serve and protect those who have little or no
capability of helping themselves. It also holds that it is im-
proper for social programs to be charged to the federal
budget, but acknowledges the state’s need for additional
revenue sources. Finally, it holds that federal regulation
and oversight of social programs are burdensome, expen-
sive, and ineffective, and should, with few exceptions, be
eliminated.
As a policy orientation and philosophy, Reaganomics
is seen as ultimately destructive for Black children and
their families. A thorough analysis of President Reagan’s
political, economic, and social orientation reveals little, if
any, recognition and concern about the plight and needs
of Black children and their families. As David Gil writes:
A meaningful and effective welfare policy must
identify, and aim to overcome, the structural
sources and dynamics which render dependen-
cy and deprivation inevitable. Such a policy must
pierce prevailing myths which rationalize and
perpetuate dependency, exploitation, and
discrimination, and which blame victims for
dehumanizing poverty and deprivation generated
by the normal workings of our social, economic,
and political institutions.1
Unfortunately, the Reagan economic recovery program
appears to be aimed at reinforcing existing institutions and
Structures which have traditionally rendered Black families
and their children dependent and economically
disadvantaged.
If we are to fully comprehend and effectively address
the special needs of Black children in America, we must
first of all recognize that Reaganomics is much more than
a philosophical aberration. In fact, Reaganomics is an op-
pressive value orientation and phenomenon which
manifests itself in a variety of forms, such as specific
policies and guidelines for policy and programmatic
development. This stance reassures dominant elements
in our society of a continuation of and return to the prac-
tice of racial and social inequities.
BLACK CAUCUS
Black Children and Reaganomics.
Central to a proper understanding of Reaganomics as
it affects Black children are the following questions:
1. As Reaganomics reflects itself in policy planning and
operational programs, is it based on a realistic
understanding of Black children, their families, and
their special needs?
2. In reaction to the first question, does the Reagan ad-
ministration recognize and care enough about the
problems of Black children to take the time to really
understand the manifestations and effects of racism
as they influence and shape the life destinies, ac-
tivities, and chances of these children.
Negative responses to both of the above questions
reflect some of the problems limiting or totally restricting
social change efforts on behalf of Black children. On the
other hand, affirmative responses to these questions in-
dicate an awareness of events based on a realistic ap-
praisal of societal institutions and conditions as they af-
fect Black children in particular. An examination of the
following issues provides a clearer picture of such
concerns.
Black Youth
Black youth make up 40 percent of the total population
of Blacks in the United States, according to the 1980 cen-
Sus.” For the forseeable future, the Black population is
likely to remain relatively younger than the white popula-
tion is. Thus, as a group, Blacks will continue to be
disproportionately affected by the problems of the young,
including unemployment. In comparison to white youth,
the Black youth population is proportionately larger. This
is primarily due to the higher birth rates among Blacks
and the longer lifespans of whites. Moreover, according
to the live birth census, over 600,000 babies are born each
year to teenage mothers.
Economic Equity
Another area in which Reaganomics appears to be
short-sighted is in the area of economic equity. The
Volume 15, 1984-1985
——————
distribution of income [a rough measurement of
economics in American society] has shifted from those
at the bottom of the economic ladder in favor of the rich.
The change can be seen in a number of areas, including
the stagnation in the level of income received by Black
families. An indication of economic equity can be provided
by a cursory examination of the income distribution pat-
terns among Black families.
Unemployment
In February, 1982, the national unemployment rate
among Blacks was 17 percent. This figure matched the
post-World War Il high recorded in December, 1981. For
Black youth, the unemployment picture is especially bleak
and discouraging. The unemployment rate among Black
youth moved to a high of 43 percent in February, 1982.4
Certainly this is an area in which the Reagan administra-
tion must increase efforts and create policies and pro-
grams specific to the needs of this population.
Poverty
According to a study by the National Black Child
Development Institute on ‘‘The Status of Black Children
in 1980,” children of the poor represent about half of the
nation’s Black families. Two out of five Black children
receive benefits from the Aid to Families with Dependent
Children Program. The national average payment from
that program is $241.35 a month for one mother and two
children living in poverty in the United States. One pro-
blem that compounds poverty for Blacks is that of the im-
poverished female head of household. Of all poor Black
children under 18 years of age, 78 percent live in homes
headed by females.5
Education
Education has always been a crucial variable in the lives
of Blacks. It is thought that if Black children attain a quality
education (especially a college degree), economic security
will be theirs for the rest of their lives. Presently, we find
that this maxim is no longer true. Despite the achievement
of Blacks during the era following Brown vs. Board of
Education, today’s public school systems appear to be
failing to educate many of our Black children. Burdened
with too little money for its expanded social mandate,
managed by overwhelmed and sometimes insensitive ad-
ministrators, and plagued by violence, America’s public
education system threatens to place future generations
of Blacks in second class citizenship positions.
Reaganomics has indeed had a major impact on educa-
tion, creating further dilemmas for Black children,
especially in the areas of busing, school meals, and job
training programs.
Busing. The Reagan administration has done an about-
face on busing. Black educators, law makers, and civil
rights leaders are concerned about the impact
Washington’s retreat from busing will have on school in-
tegration efforts. They are also discussing alternative ways
of achieving integration in the public schools.
Drew Days, Yale law professor and head of the Justice
Department’s Civil Rights Division under President Jim-
my Carter states:
A national approach is required, including a com-
mitment to integrated housing and full employ-
ment if school integration is to become a reality.
Busing is a symptom of the larger problem in-
stead of being a problem itself.é
Professor Days’ statement addresses the heart of the
issue—the need for busing in the first place is due to hous-
ing and employment patterns. If the administration would
commit resources—including loans, grants, and
subsidies—to fair housing to enable families to purchase
housing and, thus, change housing patterns in America,
there would be little need for busing. The same holds true
for hiring and employment practices and programs.
School Meals. |n the past, a $2.3 billion National School
Lunch Program (NSLP) provided hot lunches for 23 million
children in 90,717 schools across the nation. Nearly half
of the children in the program qualified for free or reduced
price meals.” In 1981, the NSLP was cut over one billion
dollars and new eligibility requirements for families are
now in effect. An estimated three to four million youngsters
have dropped out of NSLP, and 2,200 schools have clos-
ed their cafeteria doors. The higher cost of food coupled
with a reduction in federal grants for school meals, has
made school lunch prices out of reach for many Black
families and their children. Moreover, the quality of school
lunches has also declined in nutritional value. In a seven-
city survey recently conducted by the General Account-
ing Office (Congress’ investigative arm), not one school
lunch program tested met the Department of Agriculture’s
guideline for providing one-third of the daily recommended
nutritional allowance for children.®
Job Training Programs. The Reagan administration has
trimmed the budget of job training programs that have
benefited Blacks, especially Black youth. Two
programs—the Opportunities Industrialization Centers
(OIC) and the National Urban League—had their federally-
sponsored job training programs cut by $75 million in May
of 1982. Three job training programs—those conducted
by the OIC, National Urban League, and the Recruitment
and Training Program (RTP)—lost 41,000 staff and train-
ing positions in 1981. In 1982 the Comprehensive Employ-
ment and Training Administration (CETA) had a budget
of $3.3 billion, down $4.4 billion from the previous year.°
One Urban League program (the Labor of Education
Advancement Program) was totally eliminated, leaving
4,000 staff members and trainees unemployed. Overall,
only 25 percent of the League’s job training programs re-
main. OIC received a $62 million cut, over one-half of its
$117 million 1982 budget. RTP received a 40 percent cut
in its budget—from $20 million in 1981 to $12 million In
1982. RTP was expected to train 10,000 unemployed
young people in 26 sites.1°
As a result of the cuts in such training programs, many
Black youth are not only unemployed, but are also in a
position where they are denied access to job training pro-
grams that might have lifted them out of the bondage of
poverty and despair. Many organizations are turning to
the private sector in search of funds to help them out of
the dilemma caused by severe budget cuts. For many pro-
grams, it is an up-hill struggle for survival.
Social Policy Implications and Recommendations
Several ways of responding to Reaganomics and atten-
dant changes in social policies and programs appear to
be in order. One way is that of social action and communi-
ty development on the part of the Black community.
Although there is no comprehensive national policy on
families or an overall family-oriented ideology, federal and
state social welfare policies that do exist have a signifi-
cant effect on Black families and their children. The lack
of a coherent policy commitment to improve the quality
of family life is the result of adherence to other com-
mitments that appear to have priority, such as national
defense spending.
Value orientations toward family structures and forms
also appear to interfere with the development of effective
policies and programs geared toward the needs of families
and children. For example, the notion that family struc-
ture should be nuclear in nature continues to exist. In
terms of formulating a policy on the family, the contradic-
tion between the ideal image of the family and reality that
defies categorization inhibits actions in the best interest
of families. Unfortunately, the very familes and children
most likely to be affected by social welfare policies and
programs are those non-nuclear familes that vary from the
ideal or “desired norm.’’ Many Black families, especially
those in poverty, fall in this category.
Given the lack of a national family policy, Black people
need to consider alternatives for improving the quality of
life for themselves and their children. In addition, Blacks
must become more politically involved in every aspect of
social policy development and implementation. Black
Parents need to be actively involved in making decision-
makers responsive to meeting their children’s needs as
well as their own. We must not only get out and vote, but
we must also work actively in all aspects of political ac-
tivity, especially where it concerns the policies and pro-
grams directly affecting Black children. We must plan
Strategies to influence political outcomes of legislative
decisions. This can best be done through group efforts
with not only our time, but also our money. We can
organize activities in our communities and work with other
organizations to influence social change and policy direc-
tions on behalf of Black children.
We must also begin to develop community support
systems by forming networks among the various
resources in the Black community and those available to
us in the wider segments of society. Black families, like
all families, benefit from support in childrearing. This sup-
port may come from informal sources, for example, a net-
work of close friends, relatives, or neighbors. It may also
come from formal sources such as the school, the Black
church, or mental health facilities. Existing support
systems in the Black community can be invaluable in rear-
ing competent, self-confident children who understand the
need for responsible actions. In many communities, parts
of this system are already in operation, regardless of the
socio-economic class of the population groups involved.
Other formal support systems may be developed and
used. However, these support systems must be designed
so that the “natural support system’’ used by Black
families is not disrupted.
As was stressed previously, it is not merely a question
of finding appropriate solutions or remedies to the prob-
lems of Black children and their families, for indeed Black
people have known the solutions for centuries—equality
and justice. Rather, it is more of a recognition, apprecia-
tion, and willingness on the part of policymakers to resolve
the problems and dilemmas of Black people.
With these thoughts serving as a conceptual
background, we offer the following policy implications and
recommendations:
1. Policy and programmatic efforts which focus on
Black children as target groups separate and apart
from the overall needs and problems of their families
should be rejected in favor of more comprehensive,
family-oriented policies.
2. Policy responses to the needs of Black children
should be institutional and change oriented, and not
fragmented and residual in design and scope.
3. Policy and programmatic interventions must be
suited to the inherent nature of the problems of Black
children. Hence, responding to sociologically based
problems such as unemployment should not entail
using psychologically oriented interventions in and
of themselves.
4. From a service delivery standpoint, a proper (that
is, suitable to the problem at hand) mix of univer-
salistic and selective approaches should be used to
address the problems of Black children.
5. Policies and programs aimed at forcing mothers
receiving welfare benefits to work at menial jobs are
ultimately destructive to Black children and their
families. Accordingly, such policies should be re-
jected in the absence of larger institutional changes
in society.
Conclusion
The adverse effects of Reaganomics are by no means
limited to Black children and their families or, for that mat-
ter, to poor people. However, institutional oppression and
“affirmative neglect’ serve to compound or otherwise ag-
gravate problems for Black children and their families. The
basic thrust of Reaganomics presents a full array of policy
misdirections, ill-suited planning and service approaches,
policy inconsistencies, and gaps in logic. From a func-
tional standpoint, Reaganomics might appear to represent
rational or logical thinking. Few would, in fact, disagree
that past presidential administrations have made policy
errors that related to the economic and social needs of
our society. Yet, from a pragmatic standpoint,
Reaganomics is highly ill-suited to the needs of the
populace in general and to the needs of Black children
and their families in particular.
If we are truly concerned about the plight of Black
children, and their worth as human beings, then we must
begin to devise strategies and programs that are specific
to their needs. From our perspective, this requires a return
to social activism on the part of the Black community and
segments of the larger society.
Patricia E. Bauknight, M.S.W., is an Assistant Professor,
Graduate School of Social Work, University of Arkansas,
Little Rock, Arkansas.
Reginald S. Avery, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor,
Graduate School of Social Work, University of Arkansas,
Little Rock, Arkansas.
FOOTNOTES
1David G. Gil, “Welfare Policy,’ Unpublished discussion paper, Brandeis
University, 1977.
2U.S. Bureau of the Census, ‘‘Population Profile of the United States,
1980.”’ Current Population Reports, Series 363, Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, p.20.
3Virginia Cartoof, ‘‘The Negative Effects of AFDC Policies on Teenage
Mothers.” Child Welfare, Vol. LXI, No.5 (May, 1982), p. 269.
4James Moss, “‘Unemployment Among Black Youth: A Policy Dilem-
ma,” Social Work, Vol. 27, No. 1 (January, 1982).
SAndrew Brimmer, ‘‘War on Black Children,”’ Black Enterprise (May,
1981), p.23.
®Drew Days, quoted in Andrew Brimmer, ‘‘Schools and Busing,”’ Black
Enterprise (September, 1981), p. 19.
7Denise A. Williams, “‘How to Make Schools Work for Our Kids: A Primer
for Concerned Parents,’’ Black Enterprise (September, 1981), p. 38.
8/bid., 15.
%Arkansas Gazette, August 21, 1982, 13B.
10/bid.
The Atlanta Crisis: A Stress Prevention Model for Adults and Children
Jennie C. Trotter, M.Ed.
A number of intervention strategies were attempted in Atlanta, Georgia to offset the long-term impact of the crisis associated with miss-
ing and murdered children and youth in that community. The physical, mental, and emotional effects of the crisis on Black children
and youth are reviewed. This article presents an overview of one intervention program, Project C.A.N. (Community Action Network),
which served as a model training program on identifying and managing stress for professionals who work with children. This article
also explores the possible uses of this model with Black parents, children and youth, and points to the need for research on the causes
of, and means of reducing stress among Black children and adolescents.
Introduction
any times we adults do not think of children as
experiencing stressful situations in their daily
routine. We have this colorful picture of their day
consisting of fun, frolic, and play as they engage in an
abundance of leisure activities. It is hard to imagine a child
experiencing a mental breakdown because of an
overloading of too much stress in his/her life. However,
it happens and will continue to happen until parents,
ministers, teachers, and counselors begin to recognize
that children, like adults, do experience a certain amount
of stress and that they, like adults, need to develop cop-
ing skills or methods by which to reduce or manage stress.
Stress—more commonly defined as life’s pressures and
demands or, according to Selye (1956), ‘“‘the non-specific
response of the body to demand,” can affect children
physically, mentally, and emotionally. When stress is pro-
longed and is not properly reduced, it turns into harmful
or bad stress better known as distress. Depending on the
severity and intensity of the stress, the effects can vary
from causing physical illnesses to emotional instability.
This paper reviews the effects stress had on children dur-
ing the Atlanta child murder crisis, and discusses the
Prevention model used by project C.A.N. (Community Ac-
tion Network) that helped professionals identify and
reduce stress in children.
Because of dehumanizing social conditions and cultural
limitations that Black people experience by living in a
white-controlled society, a Black child experiences more
Stress during his/her developmental stages than does the
average white child growing up in the American society.
Comer and Poussaint (1976) state that Black children are
one of the most mistreated and neglected groups in
American society. They have consistently borne the
devastating effects of white racism.
The missing and murdered children/youth crisis created
an unbelievable amount of stress among Black children
in Atlanta and affected them in a number of ways: 1)
Physically, 2) mentally, and 3) emotionally. The biggest
Stressor (that is, a factor which causes stress) produced
in children by this prolonged crisis was “‘fear.’’ When a
child perceives an imbalance in demands and Capabilities,
BLACK CAUCUS
the first emotion that is aroused is fear (Nagle, 1981). Un-
fortunately, this feeling of fear in children could not be
easily reduced by their parents, teachers, ministers, local
police, or other authorities. ‘‘Local media filled children’s
heads with senseless and uncensored horror stories about
these murders” (Greaves, Currie & Carter, 1982). In fact,
it appeared that the whole city of Atlanta seemed to have
been caught with its ‘‘pants down’”’ in a city-wide crisis
which called for more pulling together and coordination
of resources than the city could give at that time. Some
of the physical, mental, and emotional effects of stress
on: Atlanta children created by this crisis are recounted
as follows.
Physical Reactions to Stress in Children
Children’s bodies react to stress in the same way as
the bodies of adults do. Stress affects both sexes and all
ages and is not confined to the stereotyped hurried ex-
ecutive (Pelletier, 1977). Stress can be negative and
positive. Researchers show that our bodies need a cer-
tain amount of stress to enable us to perform more
creatively or to meet life’s challenges. This kind of stress
is referred to as ‘‘positive stress.’”” However, when the
body is constantly exposed to long-term stress, as Black
children were during the Atlanta crisis, it then becomes
“‘distress”’ or “‘negative stress.’’ The Atlanta crisis lasted
for two and a half years.
Understandably, serious physical reactions and symp-
toms developed in Atlanta children as a result of this pro-
longed stress. Many children developed such
psychosomatic illnesses as a loss of appetite, insomnia,
Stomach ailments, headaches, and so forth. Some
children even reverted to bedwetting. It was very unfor-
tunate that during this time the major stressor, ‘‘fear’’,
which was causing these bodily reactions, could not be
easily removed. Consequently, six months after the trial
of Wayne Williams, the convicted murderer of two of the
young adult victims, some children still exhibited some
physical symptoms of stress caused by the crisis.
Volume 15, 1984-1985
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Mental Reactions to Stress in Children
Negative stress can also adversely affect children’s
academic performance as well as their self-concept,
because it can ‘‘impede the ability to belong, to learn or
contribute,’’ reports Dr. Michael Popkin in a local
newspaper. When demands exceed optimal proficiency,
children will start to perform less efficiently (Welford,
1973). The mind is unable to focus or concentrate on any
subject matter as long as the persistent stress still exists.
Children in Atlanta felt very vulnerable during the crisis.
This vulnerability was indicated by their shortened atten-
tion span, recurring nightmares, fear of going to school,
and then fear of strangers. Fear—especially among Black
males—added to their feelings of victimization and
helplessness during the crisis. Physically, children at-
tended school, but their minds were so overshadowed with
fear that they were mentally absent or mentally malfunc-
tioning. Children were more concerned with questions
about their safety and protection than they were about
academic subjects. In effect, their overriding concern was
whether anyone could really protect them from the
murderer and whether they were safe anywhere.
This mounting terror was definitely being directed only
toward Black youth. Most Black children began to think
there must be something seriously wrong with being Black
and young in Atlanta. Thoughts like these in the minds
of children began to lower Black children’s self-concepts.
Fear had rapidly replaced pride in being Black in the
children’s minds.
Emotional Reactions to Stress in Children
How one feels about himself/herself definitely deter-
mines one’s personal satisfaction or dissatisfaction. The
emotion, fear, can make one feel very insecure and para-
noid. Fear became the dominant feeling of children in
Atlanta. Because this stressor was prolonged and was not
easily removed, it prevented children from experiencing
any long periods of safety and security, which are needed
to maintain a good self-concept and emotional stability in
children. Children experienced this security only when in
the company of someone they really trusted, such as
mother, dad, grandparents, and so forth.
Unfortunately, children in Atlanta were given more
messages from parents, teachers, and the media that rein-
forced their fear rather than diffused it. Some children
were mistrustful of fairly familiar adults—like police of-
ficers, teachers, and ministers—as well as unknown
adults. This mistrust added to their feelings of isolation.
If someone were to bother them, to whom could they really
turn for help? Feeling that one is in a state of danger the
majority of the time is very detrimental to a child’s
psychological and emotional growth and development,
and can lead to serious emotional problems. Presently,
some children in Atlanta are still highly distrustful of adults
and show signs of paranoia when left at home alone.
Prevention
Thankfully, the city of Atlanta—along with outside sup-
port and resources such as the Mental Health Task Force,
help phone lines, local block organizations, buddy
systems for children, summer safe programs and com-
munity forums—was able to pull itself together to combat
the city’s biggest stressor, fear. Looking back several
months later in an attempt to assess what role primary
prevention could or should have played, much can be said
about the old cliche ‘‘an ounce of prevention is worth a
pound of cure.”’
Primary prevention could have diffused some of the
problems that arose during the crisis. It is true that the
Atlanta crisis was unique in that it has never happened
anywhere before and it brought on insurmountable stress
for all involved. However, most of the problems confront-
ing many Black Atlantans were due to an inability to
manage stress and distress. Primary prevention in the
form of stress management could have better prepared
children, parents, teachers, counselors, and other com-
munity caregivers with information on understanding,
identifying, and coping with stress and distress. This in-
formation would have helped adults and children under-
stand what they were experiencing and what they could
do to reduce the stress. In no way am | equating the
stressors produced by the Atlanta crisis with the ordinary
Stressors that one usually experiences in his/her daily life.
Instead, | am saying that there are some basic skills in
managing stress that are adaptable and transferable to
all stress producing situations.
An example of one stress management technique that
could have been used during the crisis is relaxation. This
would have helped everyone to stay calm and not to panic.
Children were experiencing enough of their own fear or
trauma; they did not need to see adults they trusted and
respected being taken over by panic, confusion, and
worry. Another easy solution that could have reduced
Stress would have been for parents to have discussions
with children and talk over their feelings and concerns
together. They could have also brainstormed ideas about
what safety measures they could use to alleviate some
of their fears. Talking about a problem or concern with
someone you trust can reduce stress, because it simply
relieves one’s anxiety.
These and other ideas were generated during the crisis
by mental health workers, ministers, and other profes-
sionals in various communities. Unfortunately, no single
Program existed during the crisis to address the
psychological effects on the community. However, many
community groups pooled their resources to handle what
problems they could during the crisis, which seemed to
be a bit much for any one group. It was not until three
months before Wayne Williams was apprehended that
Atlanta received a grant to address the long-term
psychological effects of the crisis on the Atlanta
community.
In April, 1981, Central Fulton Mental Health Center
received a major federal grant to address the far reaching
negative impact of the crisis on the entire Atlanta com-
munity, especially the children. Project C.A.N. (Commun-
ity Action Network) provided consultation, education, train-
ing, and community outreach services to children,
families, community organizations, and agencies. Project
C.A.N.’s goal was to increase personal and community
resources for coping with issues identified by the com-
munity during the crisis, such as stress, fear, violence,
anger, death, loss, and distrust.
Another goal of Project C.A.N. was to address the men-
tal health needs of Black children. This goal was met by
developing a training program that would: 1) help com-
munity caregivers and professionals identify stress and
distress in children, and 2) provide them with techniques
and strategies to help children cope with stress in their
lives. The prevention model theory implies that the more
Black children learn adequate skills for dealing with every-
day stress, the less chance they will have of needing
mental health services in the future. This would enable
them to develop more positive self-concepts and have bet-
ter physical, mental, and emotional development as well.
In addition, Project C.A.N. formulated a Stress Train-
ing Model for adults who worked with children such as
teachers, counselors, social workers, ministers, and
recreational professionals that would serve to reduce the
amount of stress in Black children. An early assessment
that was done in the community indicated that many pro-
fessionals who worked with children did not have suffi-
cient information on how to properly identify stress or its
impact on Black children, nor were they aware of proper
referral sources in their community once this identifica-
tion was made. Following this needs assessment, Project
C.A.N.’s Stress Training Model addressed the following
areas: 1) a definition of stress and its impact on one’s
everyday life; 2) how stress affects the normal develop-
ment of children; 3) children’s developmental perceptions
of death; 4) how to recognize signs and symptoms of
Stress in children; 5) how to reduce stress in children; and
6) information on available community resources and
referral methods.
Specific objectives of this training were as follows:
1) To provide general information to professional staff
on stress, distress, stressors, sources of stress, and
ways of coping with stress.
2) To help staff understand that children also ex-
perience stress as part of their life cycle, and to show
Staff a variety of ways in which stress is exhibited
in children.
3) To assist staff in distinguishing between typical and
atypical responses to stress in children.
4) To show what staff can do to reduce stress in
children, as well as provide techniques for helping
children reduce stress.
5) To offer some insight into children’s perception of
death (a major life stressor) at different stages.
6) To provide staff with information on available com-
munity resources for proper referrals.
Project C.A.N. offered a Stress Training Workshop em-
phasizing these objectives to all professionals who worked
with children in schools, youth organizations, day care
centers, and churches. Most workshop participants, who
came from recreational programs and churches, found the
workshop very informative and helpful. They thought the
material covered in the workshop was very valuable and
greatly needed. The workshop helped them understand
first their own stress and second, stress in children. Par-
ticipants felt the information provided at the workshop
would enable them to help children at their work sites
reduce stress. Participants varied in their responses as
to what they felt were the most helpful materials covered
in the training; some stated techniques on stress manage-
ment were the most helpful, while others stated that in-
formation on how to recognize signs and symptoms of
stress in children was most helpful. In response to how
the training workshop could be improved, participants sug-
gested the following: add films or slide materials to the
presentation; expand the time of the workshop; and pro-
vide more information on techniques for teaching children
how to manage stress. The overall rating of the workshop
ranged from good to excellent.
Although this stress training model was designed for
use with teachers, it was not offered to the public school
system because Project C.A.N. did not want to duplicate
services. The Atlanta public school system had received
its own grant to develop a curriculum on stress for
teachers and to conduct workshops on stress identifica-
tion and reduction for parents. The model that Project
C.A.N. developed could be easily adapted for teachers
to include a component on teaching strategies that could
reduce stress in the classroom. In fact, a similar model
of this nature has been developed for and used with
teachers. Teachers found the workshop of tremendous
value and thought it enhanced their knowledge of stress
and how it affects children.
Another group of people for whom this model could be
developed is parents. Project C.A.N. did not originally in-
clude parents as one of the target groups for the training
workshop because they were a target group that the
Atlanta school system was to address. This model could
be adapted for parents with the addition of a component
on how they can reduce stress in their children at home.
The last group of people for whom this model could be
developed is children themselves. Why not teach children
ways of reducing and preventing stress build-up in their
lives? Parents, teachers, counselors, ministers, and youth
workers are excellent resources to show children stress
management skills since they interact with children daily.
It is just as essential for children to know how to handle
stressors in their lives as it is for adults. More research
needs to be developed on the effects of teaching stress
management and coping skills directly to children. The
difference it could have in positively affecting their self-
concepts and lessening their emotional problems could
be of significant value. It could prove to be an effective
primary prevention against mental illness in children.
However, research on stress in children has been rare and
research on stress in Black children or adolescents in par-
ticular has been virtually non-existent. Coddington (1972)
was the first to modify Holmes and Rahe’s Social Read-
justment Rating Scale for use with children and
adolescents. Coddington used white adults as a measure
for assigning weights for the amount of adjustment to
stressful life events required by children and adolescents.
For example, in the elementary school age group, the
stressor “death of a parent” was assigned the life change
unit weight of 91, and the stressor of ‘‘a brother or sister
leaving home”’ was assigned the life change unit weight
of 36.
In 1982, Project C.A.N. conducted a special needs
assessment survey in Atlanta among 100 Black children
and adolescents aged 6 to 18 years. Participants were
asked to identify any relevant stresses in their daily lives.
The results of this survey revealed stressors in the lives
of these Black children and adolescents which did not
coincide with Coddington’s (1972) earlier study and which
were not reflected in this Life Events Scale. Items such
as home burglaries, community violence, fear of
Strangers, racial slurs, and so forth were cited as key
stressors among Black youth participating in Project
C.A.N.'s survey. Project C.A.N. (1982) also obtained key
informant data from 30 Black recreational professionals.
Each respondent was asked to identify significant
stressors for Black youth. Data from this assessment were
compared to the earlier assessment made by Black youths
themselves. The results of the Project C.A.N. surveys
seem to indicate a significant difference in the kinds of
stressors identified by Black adults and children and those
Stressors identified in earlier studies (Coddington, 1972).
The small pilot study conducted by Project C.A.N. staff
(1982) clearly indicates that Black children are also
capable of identifying and rating life experiences. In order
to identify accurately the specific stresses associated with
Blatk lifestyles, a more formal investigation must be
undertaken.
Conclusion
Although there is no direct causal relationship between
stress and disease among children or adults, the statistics
compiled at the Centers for Disease Control (1979) in
Atlanta show that the major causes of premature deaths
in the United States are attributable, at least in part, to
our lifestyles and environment. It is possible to conclude
that one’s stressful life experiences can affect one’s
health. Because of this awareness, stress management
workshops, classes, and seminars are very popular today.
Numerous volumes of literature on stress management
are published and sold yearly. More adults are par-
ticipating in relaxation classes, yoga, nutritional diets, jog-
ging, and so forth. Many people are attempting to find
healthier ways of managing stress in their lives.
As mental health professionais, we are morally and pro-
fessionally obligated to provide quality services to all
segments of society. It is mandatory that we initiate very
definite steps toward preventing increased distress among
socially vulnerable populations such as Black youth. There
is an urgent need for the development of more stress
management intervention programs for these youth. Proj-
ect C.A.N. attempted to address some of these needs in-
directly by offering stress management training programs
for professional youth workers. That project is now
defunct, but the need for more intervention programs of
this type is ever present. It is hoped that these interven-
tion programs will show Black children how to manage
and reduce the amount of stress in their daily lives, and
thereby improve their state of well-being. Stress will be
with us for as long as we live. In some instances, the
amount of stress will be worse than in others. Unfortu-
nately, the Atlanta crisis produced a serious level of pro-
longed stress or distress for its community. In some
instances, the amount of stress could not have been
avoided or deterred. In other situations, early intervention
programs—like stress management for parents, teachers,
community caregivers, youth workers, and especially
children—could have better prepared everyone to deal
more effectively and efficiently with stress—both the
expected and the unexpected.
Jennie C. Trotter, M.Ed., Project Director, Project Stress
Control, Beavers Thomas Elementary School, Atlanta,
Georgia.
REFERENCES
Centers for Disease Control, adapted from Leading Causes of Death,
and Probabilities of Dying, United States, 1975 and 1976. U.S. Depart-
ment of Health, Education and Welfare, Public Health Service, Atlanta,
Georgia 1979.
Comer, James P., and Poussaint, Alvin F. Black Child Care. Simon and
Shuster: New York, 1975.
Coddington, D.R. “The Significance of Life-Change Events as Etiologic
Factors in Diseases of Children: A Study of a Normal Population.
ll. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 16 (1972), pp. 205-218.
Greaves, George B., Currie, John, and Carter, Allen C. Atlanta
Psychological Association’s Ad Hoc Resource Committee on
Murdered and Missing Atlanta Children. American Psychologist, 37
(1982), pp. 559-568.
Holmes, T.H., and Rahe, R.H. ‘‘The Social Readjustment Rating Scale.”
Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 11 (1967), pp. 213-218.
Nagle, T.J. ‘‘Parenting Skills in Stress Management: Teaching Children
to Cope with Stress as a Means of Primary Prevention of Mental Ill-
ness.’’ Paper presented to Child and Adolescent Committee, Con-
ference of the National Mental Health Association, Washington, D.C.
Feb., 1981.
Pelletier, Kenneth. Mind as Healer, Mind as Slayer. New York: Delacorte
Press, 1977.
11
Popkin, Michael. ‘‘ABC’s of Stress.’’ Atlanta Constitution, September,
1982.
Central Fulton Community Mental Health Center. Project Community
Action Network (C.A.N.) Special Needs Assessment Survey. Atlanta,
Georgia, 1982.
Selye, Hans. The Stress of Life. New York, McGraw Hill: 1956.
Welford, A.T. ‘‘Stress and Performance.” Ergonomics,16 (1973), pp.
567-580.
|
i |
Youth Violence, the Juvenile Gang and Social Traumatization:
A Black Community Perspective
by
Arthur L. Ellis, D.S.W.
This article considers Black youth gang formation and violence as symptomatic of continued social trauma which has an impact on
the Black community. Although the analysis eschews the delinquent gang as a viable alternative for Black youths confronted by social
deprivations, it recognizes that such groups serve certain positive functions. In an environment where institutional forms of racism
and injustice seriously affect the lives of poor Black children and youth, the gang becomes a ‘‘sanctuary”’ for self-realization and status.
Introduction
rimes committed by juveniles associated with
youth gangs have increased at an alarming rate
in American cities. The increase in gang related
juvenile crime has also been characterized as more
“‘lethal’’ than at any period in history (Miller, 1976), owing
to the proliferation and use of weapons ranging from hand-
guns to sophisticated automatic weapons.
According to recent data on juvenile crime 1,383,380
juveniles were arrested nationally for serious crimes in
1981, with approximately 70,000 being referred to criminal
or adult courts. Juvenile gang activity is essentially an ur-
ban problem. The nation’s cities accounted for approx-
imately 1,158,380 of all juvenile arrests; juveniles in cities
having populations of 250,000 and over accounted for ap-
proximately 240,000 of these arrests, nearly 25 percent
of the total (Synder, 1982).
This paper explores the increase in juvenile gang ac-
tivity within the Black community as a predictable
response by Black youth to continuing patterns of social
traumatization. The term‘‘social traumatization,’’ as used
here, is a conceptualization of the collective response to
“social injustice, societal inconsistency and personal im-
potence”’ identified by Chestang (Cafferty & Chestang,
1976, p. 63).
In testimony before the Kerner Commission (Report of
the National Advisory Commission, 1968, p. 300) some
16 years ago, Dr. Kenneth Clark warned:
This society knows...that if human beings are
confined to ghetto compounds of our cities, and
are subjected to criminally inferior education,
pervasive economic and job discrimination,com-
mitted to houses unfit for human habitation, sub-
jected to unspeakable conditions of municipal
services, such as sanitation, that such human
beings are not likely to be responsive to appeals
to be lawful, to be respectful, to be concerned
with property of others.
Despite gains in the socioeconomic status and living en-
vironment of some Blacks since Clark’s comments (Shan-
non, 1983; Palen, 1981), the majority continue to ex-
perience the types of conditions described.
The persistence of these problems in the Black com-
BLACK CAUCUS
12
munity, despite the raised expectations of the early 1960s
has exacerbated the problem of social traumatization. The
“Black experience” continues to be a_ profoundly
frustrating one (Chestang, 1971).
The impact of this trauma on Black children and youth
has been especially damaging. In their efforts to recon-
cile some sense of ‘‘personal integrity,’’ many turn to anti-
social juvenile gangs (Merton, 1962, pp. 178-81; Cafferty
& Chestang, 1976, p. 70).
It should not be surprising, therefore, that crimes com-
mitted by juveniles associated with Black youth gangs
have continued to increase (Miller, 1976; Snyder, 1982).
Furthermore, according to Miller (1976, p. 3):
The criminal justice establishment, including its
academic members and the media, have
generally failed to gauge the national dimensions
of the youth gang problem. They have often
misread trends in gang activity, with the result
that the country has been lulled into thinking that
gangs are not a major problem; in actuality, they
constitute a crime problem of the utmost
seriousness.
In the following analysis, an effort will be made to
demonstrate that both the increase in, and ‘‘lethalness”
of, Black juvenile gang activity are related to persistent
social traumatization in the Black community.
Perceptions of Traumatization
A substantial amount of literature is available regarding
the impacts of social injustice, institutional racism, societal
inconsistency, and political powerlessness (impotence) on
the self image and development of Black children
(Chestang, 1972; Norton, 1976; Clark & Clark, 1947; Clark,
1965; Billingsley, 1968; Coles, 1964; Erikson, 1963; Mead,
1934; Myrdal, 1962; Silverstein & Krate, 1975; Keniston,
1977; Brown, 1965).
Additionally, several social theorists have associated
anti-social gang activity with adaptive responses to
deprivation (Merton, 1962; Cohen, 1955; Shaw &McKay,
1942; Clark, 1965; Cloward & Ohlin, 1961; Report of the
National Advisory Commission, 1968).
Volume 15, 1984-1985
The differential association and opportunity-structure
theoretical orientations from the social psychology
literature on juvenile delinquency provide the central con-
cepts for the analysis herein presented. The basic thrust
of differential association theory as applied to this study
is that deviant behavior is learned in specific associational
contexts. It follows, therefore, that youths who associate
with anti-social juvenile gangs are exposed to, and are
often instructed by, deviant values and patterns of
behavior. Merton (1962), Durkheim (1956), Sutherland
(1962), and Cressey (1962) have pioneered the develop-
ment of this theory.
Merton also developed the notion of ‘‘differential ac-
cessibility’’ as an additional dimension related to criminal
patterns. When applied to delinquent gangs, it suggests
that anti-social behaviors are alternative, illegitimate
means by which groups with ‘restricted access to
legitimate means” achieve status and other success
symbols.
The integration of opportunity-structure theory with dif-
ferential association concepts is not a new development.
Cloward and Ohlin (1961), the main advocates of the
former theory, utilized much of the Durkheimian and Mer-
tonian orientations in developing their approach to the
juvenile delinquency problem. During the 1960s,
opportunity-structure theory provided the major theoretical
foundation for many of the youth focused ‘‘demonstration
projects”’ under the aegis of the President’s Committee
on Juvenile Delinquency (Rector, 1977). The Mobilization
for Youth and Harlem Opportunities Unlimited (HARYOU)
programs were envisioned as interventions based on the
theory.
Using Merton’s differential accessibillity notion as a
point of departure (Rector, 1977, p. 205), opportunity
Structure-theorists contend that:
Communities differ not only in the integration of
legitimate means and goals, but in the availability
and integration of illegitimate avenues .... A
Criminal subculture and criminal gangs will
develop where there is cross-age integration of
offenders plus close relations between [carriers
of criminal and conventional values] . . . . A con-
flict subculture and . . . gangs will develop in
neighborhoods not integrated as above, when
social controls are relatively lacking and there is
an absence of available systematic legitimate
means to material goals. The use of violence
may be an alternative means to alternate goals
[status rather than material goals].
Both the opportunity-structure and the differential
association theories, in effect, recognized the societal/in-
Stitutional impediments to equal access and opportunity
Suffered by the socially and economically deprived. Their
basic propositions were that social environments and in-
Stitutions must provide greater opportunity channels to
Society’s success goals if anti-social criminal behaviors
13
by juvenile delinquents were to change.
Contributions to the analysis were also made by
Chestang’s conceptualization regarding cultural duality
and the central functions of nurturing and sustaining en-
vironments as these affect the Black experience (Cafferty
& Chestang, 1976, pp. 65-71). It will be suggested that
these are powerful variables affecting the structure and
function of youth gangs in the Black community.
These foundation theories and concepts served as ade-
quate points of departure for developing the notion of
social traumatization. Of greater importance, however, are
perceptions of the phenomenon within the Black com-
munity, and notably among its youth.
Traumatization is a situation in which a child
having seen her mother shot to death attempts
to call for help. She dials the operator and cries,
“My mommy’s dead.”’ The operator responds,
“Your mommy’s dead? Are you sure?” The child
again echoes ‘‘My mommy’s dead!”’ Discerning
the horror in the little girl’s voice the operator
says “‘All right, baby, where . . . where do you
live?’’ Increasingly sobbing, the child responds,
‘| don’t know; | think . . . No, | don’t know...
my mommy’s dead in the kitchen . . . .”” Operator:
“Can you go outside and find a neighbor?’
Child, “‘O.K., I’ll try... . There’s nobody home
.... ll wait here until you come. . . alright?’’
Operator: “That’s right baby, we’ll send an am-
bulance right away.”
In the process of trying to trace this telephone
call the local police experienced difficulty, since
the number was unlisted. It took approximately
one hour, during which time the little girl asked
repeatedly, ‘‘Is the ambulance coming soon? I'll
be right here with my mommy.”
This 5 year-old child’s experience exemplifies the kind of
traumatization encountered by poor Black children in
ghettoes across America. It exemplifies fear, powerless-
ness, hopelessness, isolation, and veiled communication.
Children of the ghetto are as trapped in circumstances
of poverty, discrimination, and social hostility in 1985 as
they were prior to the civil rights movement and the war
on poverty. In a relative sense, conditions have worsened,
as the income and opportunity gaps between their com-
munity and those of the dominant white society have
widened (Shannon, 1983). Current government policies
related to cuts in funds for social welfare services and
relaxed regulations regarding affirmative action have ex-
acerbated the situation (Dye, 1983).
The paradox of the recent (1981-82) national response
to the murders of Black children in Atlanta, Georgia, for
example, was that it had no discernible impact on the
basic conditions of poverty that perpetrated the children’s
vulnerability. They were easily victimized because of the
low priority historically afforded their safety (Report of the
National Advisory Commission, 1968, pp. 306-308). The
fact that 12 killings occurred before a ‘‘crisis’’ was
recognized underscored the prevailing attitude, in some
circles, that Black children from poor communities were
“expected” to disappear—or die—from time to time (p.
308). They were expendable. Had it not been for the
vigilance and outrage of the parents of these children and
the fact that the chief public safety official was Black, it
is conceivable that even larger numbers of Black youths
might have been killed before the nation recognized this
Crisis.
The social traumatization that resulted from the Atlanta
experience transcended the lives of the people immediate-
ly affected. It reinforced the realization in Black people
throughout the nation that they and their children were
at risk solely by virtue of their race and social status. The
implication of a Black man in the killings exacerbated the
problem, since even the child’s tenuous security within
the nurturing environment was once again underminded
(Chestang, 1972). There are few sanctuaries for children
and youth who experience such social trauma.
These cases have been recounted as exemplars of
social traumatization. They may not reflect the common,
everyday experiences of poor Black children, but are
symptomatic of the conditions with which they must con-
tend. That some turn to the delinquent street gang given
these circumstances is not surprising; indeed, that more
do not is surprising.
The Black Youth Gang as a Response to Social
Traumatization: A Case Study
Much of what has been said thus far could be construed
as suggesting that the Black delinquent gang serves some
positive function. Insofar as it provides Black youth an
adaptation that helps preserve a semblance of self-
realization, social gratification, intimacy, and ‘‘a haven
from the assaults of the larger society’ (Cafferty &
Chestang, 1975, p. 69), the gang does perform such
functions.
On the other hand, the destructive, often violent, and
deadly activities of such groups overshadow these positive
functions, and few would support their development in the
Black community. There are innumerable examples,
however, in which street gangs have provided the only
real security experienced by Black ghetto residents. The
street gang’s protective orientation toward ‘‘home turfs”’
has served to protect non-gang residents from predatory
strangers.
Most Black residents, of course, would prefer that the
police play this role—but in the ghetto they seldom have
(Report of the National Advisory Commission, 1968; Ellis,
1983). According to the Kerner Commission (1968, p. 308),
for example: “A crime commission study found that
Negroes in Philadelphia and San Diego are convinced that
the police apply a different standard of law enforcement
in the ghettoes.’’ San Diego, although it has changed in
some ways since the 1960s (it is presently the 7th largest
American city), has continued to be controversial in this
14
regard. As recently as May of 1983, the city’s Black com-
munity was outraged by the ‘‘sleeper hold’’ killing of a
Black youth by a police officer (Ellis, 1983). This is the
same city whose harassment of a Black man over several
years led to a U.S. Supreme Court decision regarding the
right to privacy on public streets. And it was in San Diego
that thousands of television viewers witnessed the
shooting death of a Black man by police, as he attemp-
ted to surrender himself after robbing a local bank. Final-
ly, San Diego is the only American city that can boast hav-
ing elected a Ku Klux Klan leader in a Democratic primary
to represent it in the California legislature (he was defeated
in the subsequent election). These episodes of violence
and harassment, it is suggested, increased the levels of
social traumatization within the Black community in San
Diego.
In view of the above, and in accordance with the cen-
tral focus of the analysis, one would expect an increase
in Black juvenile gang activity. Accordingly, the San Diego
Police Department’s Street Gang Unit reported (1983) that
juvenile gang violence had been a serious problem in the
city of San Diego since approximately 1977. During the
period between 1977 and 1983, for example, gang forma-
tion had increased as had the incidence of criminal acts
involving youths. Some 19,035 youths were arrested in
San Diego in 1981, with 6,324 of these youths arrested
for felonies. The city of San Diego accounted for 9,291
of this total, with 3,002 reported as felony arrests. Although
it was difficult to accurately associate all arrests with gang
activity, the city’s department estimated that
approximately 753 felony arrests, or approximately 20 per-
cent, were ‘‘gang connected.”
There were approximately 30 unknown youth gangs in
the city, which averaged 15 to 30 youths per gang. The
vast majority of youths involved were from minority
backgrounds, with roughly two-thirds being Chicano.
Blacks comprised the second largest group of minority
youth involved in gangs, with Samoans and Filipinos ac-
counting for the remainder. Although police reported the
existence of at least one gang of white youths, their par-
ticipation was viewed as minimal. The age range of gang
members was 14 to 24 years, with the average age being
19 years old.
The incidence of serious crimes, including robbery,
assault, murder, and forcible rape, although showing
decline between 1981 and 1982, has remained alarmingly
high. In 1982, for example, approximately 4,183 felony ar-
rests involving juvenile violence were reported, with some
607 being recorded as gang-related. In this regard, four
youth gang-related murders, and scores of robberies,
rapes, and assaults were recorded for 1983.
A final dimension of the gang problem in the city relates
to victimization. Whereas traditional youth gang activities
centered around inter-gang rivalries and street fighting,
the contemporary gang appears to be victimizing non-
gang related citizenry. Adults, and notably the aged, have
increasingly suffered from youth gang violence (Miller,
1976).
Black Expressions of Social Traumatization: The
“‘Cripps’’ Street Gang
The previous section indicated that delinquent gang for-
mation increased in San Diego during the 1977-1983
period. It is important to note that this time frame cor-
responded to the period during which the killings and
harassment of Blacks in the city were also occurring. At
least one Black youth gang in the city, the ‘‘Cripps’’ of
Southeast, saw direct parallels between their growth and
the killings and harassment of Blacks.
The Cripps boast a membership of approximately 80
youths. They are the largest Black gang in San Diego and
are based in the low-income community of Southeast San
Diego. The group’s average age is approximately 15 with
the older youths aged 17-19 representing the largest part
of the membership.
A recent interview with gang members was illuminating:
Look, man, we were small back then [1977-79]
... but we didn’t even have to recruit for our
colors. . .the brothers were pissed. . . about the
things that were happening out here. . . shootin’
in people’s houses—killing anybody.
So we grew, we grew fast and strong. ..oh
yea. . .when the brothers were being off-ed in
Atlanta?—We was told it was a nationwide move-
ment against us—you know—the brothers;
but...we weren’t worried about nothin’...
‘cause we were ready—the brothers hung tight
every day and we knew some gang brothers in
Atlanta who weren’t worried about themselves
either...The police. ..man.. .they as soon
shoot you as spit. . .cowboys-man. . . cowboys.
You see them burn the brother couple of years
ago. . .he had given up, man. . .didn’t have no
weapon, and they burned him. ..No...man...
they hate us....(Personal interview with
members of the Cripp Gang, 1983.)
This interview was held during the spring of 1983. It
followed contacts made with the San Diego Police ‘‘Gang
Unit” during which it was indicated that in fact the Cripps
had grown phenomenally over recent years. Although they
were not considered a ‘‘hard core” violent gang, they had
been involved in serious confrontations with other groups
in the city, and several of their leaders were under
Surveillance regarding serious crimes which had been
committed. From a community perspective, the Cripps
were gangs of:
kids—who don’t do much but wear bandanas—
that they call ‘‘color,” around their arms or out
their pockets. They don’t bother nobody in
Southeast, but we’ve heard they get into trouble
15
in other places. One thing is that since the school
“busing” has stopped, there seem to be more
of them on the streets. . . It’s like they don’t have
anything to do. . .We don’t have a “‘Neighbor-
hood Watch” here in this community. . .and
sometimes they (the Cripps) make you feel a lit-
tle safer. . ..(Personal Interview with members
of the Cripp Gang, 1983).
These and several of the comments shared by Cripps
members underscore the assertion that, to some degree,
the gang is perceived as a reaction to social
traumatization.
Summary and Policy Implications
The precarious world in which poor Black children and
youth live often requires that they find a ‘‘sanctuary”’ in
innovative forms of organization. Traditional institutions—
such as the family, church, and youth service programs—
are important in their lives, but in view of pervasive pat-
terns of social injustice, societal inconsistency and per-
sonal powerlessness (Chestang, 1972) have not been
perceived as reliable sources of safety.
This social traumatization has resulted in the increased
Participation of Black children and youth in delinquent
gangs. Although gang associations have been eschewed
by the Black community as unacceptable alternatives,
gangs have served positive functions regarding self-
realization and protection. Reversal of this trend will re-
quire social policies which provide realistic alternatives.
Policies of the sort currently in vogue under the Reagan
Administration exacerbate the problem of Black youth
alienation and enhance gang formation. On the other
hand, policies that generate real possibilities for ‘‘sustain-
ing” the Black cagmmunity can be effective reversal
mechanisms. These policies pertain to jobs for youths and
adults; manpower projects and access to ‘“‘primary”’ labor
markets (Meenaghan & Washington, 1980); enlightened
housing policies which facilitate access to quality living
both in and outside the ghetto, including innovative home
purchase and rent subsidy programs (Norton, 1976); and
‘family empowerment”’ (Ellis, 1983; Keniston, 1977),
which addresses fundamental issues of representation by
Black primary group systems in urban decisionmaking.
It should be recalled, in this regard, that anti-social
juvenile gang activity declined appreciably during the
1960s’ era of “‘new expectations” as civil rights confron-
tations and community action strategies effectively in-
tervened in the social traumatization cycle.
Arthur L. Ellis, D.S.W., is an Associate Professor of
Social Work, College of Human Services, San Diego State
University, San Diego, California.
Bilingsley, A. Black Families in White America. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall, 1968.
Brown, C. Manchild in the Promise Land. New York: Harper and Row,
1965.
Cafferty, S. J. P. and Chestang L. The Diverse Society: Implications
for Social Policy. Washington, D.C.: National Association of Social
Workers, 1976.
Chestang, L. Character Development in an Hostile Environment. Oc-
casional Paper No. 3. Chicago: School of Social Service Administra-
tion, University of Chicago, 1972.
Clark, K. Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power. New York: Harper
and Row, 1965.
Clark K. and Clark M. ‘‘Racial Identification and Reference in Negro
Children.” Readings in Social Psychology. Edited by T. H. Newcomb
and E. L. Hartley. New York: Henry Holt, 1947.
Cloward, R. A. and Ohlin, L. E. Delinquency and Opportunity. Glencoe,
IL: Free Press, 1961.
Cohen, A. K. Delinquent Boys. Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1955.
Coles, R. Children of Crisis. Boston: Little, Brown, 1964.
Cressey, D. ‘The Development of a Theory: Differential Association.”
The Sociology of Crime and Delinquency. Edited by M. E. Wolfgang,
L. Savitz, & N. Johnson. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962.
Durkheim, E. Rules of the Sociological Method. Glencoe, IL: Free Press,
1956.
Dye, T.R. Social Welfare Politics and Public Policy. Englewood Cliffs,
NJ: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1983.
Ellis, A. L. ‘Metropolitan Family Councils: New Social Mechanisms for
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the National Association of Black Social Workers), Vol. 14, 1983, p. 4.
Ellis, A. L. Personal Opinion, KGTV, Channel 10, McGraw-Hill Broad-
casting Company, Inc., San Diego, Ca., May, 1983.
Erikson, E. Childhood and Society. New York: W. W. Norton, 1963.
Keniston, K. All Our Children. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,
1977.
Mead, G. H. Mind, Self and Society. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1934.
16
REFERENCES
Meenaghan, T. M. and Washington, R. O. Social Policy and Social
Welfare: Structure and Applications. Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1980.
Merton, R. K. Social Theory and Social Structure. Glencoe, IL: Free
Press, 1962.
Miller, W. B. Violence by Youth Gangs and Youth Groups in Major
American Cities. Washington, D.C.: Center for Criminal Justice, Har-
vard Law School & U.S. Department of Justice, 1976.
Myrdal, G. An American Dilemma: The Negro Problems and Modern
Democracy. 20th Anniversary ed. New York: Harper and Row, 1962.
Norton, D. “Residential Environment and Black Self-Image.” The Diverse
Society: Implications for Social Policy. Edited by S. J. P. Cafferty and
L. Chestang. Washington, D.C.: National Association of Social
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Palen, J. J. City Scenes: Problems and Prospects. Boston: Little, Brown,
1981.
Rector, M.G. “Juvenile Delinquency.” Encyclopedia of Social Work.
Washington, DC: NASW, 1977.
Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. O. Kerner
(Chairman). New York: Bantam Books, 1968.
San Diego Police Department. Special Investigations Section, Street
Gang Unit, San Diego, Ca. Interview, April, 1983.
Shannon, T. R. Urban Problems: A Sociological Perspective. New York:
Random House, 1983.
Shaw, C. R. and McKay, H. D. Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas.
University of Chicago Press, 1942.
Silverstein, B. and Krate, R. Children of the Dark Ghetto. New York:
Praeger, 1975.
Snyder, H. N. “Violence Juvenile Crime: The Problem in Perspective.”
Today’s Delinquent. Pittsburgh: National Center for Juvenile Justice,
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Sutherland, E. H. “Differential Association.” The Sociology of Crime
and Delinquency. Edited by M.E. Wolfgang, L. Savitz, and N. Johnson.
New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962.
Uniform Crime Reports for the United States. Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Department of Justice, 1970-1980.
impotent Rage: A Consequence of Unemployment
by
Olita D. Harris, Ph.D.
People who “‘get stuck’’ at the earliest stage of the unemployment response are ‘‘at risk”’ for developing/experiencing what the author
terms impotent rage, i.e., intense, ineffective, unfocused anger. The anger is impotent, unavailable for and unable to fuel fires of change
and efficacy. Subsequent strategies for competence building and empowerment must include systemic strategies, interpersonal strategies,
and individual capacity building.
uch has been written about the present ‘‘reces-
sion’’ (a word used widely by the media to
distinguish it from ‘‘The Big Depression’”’ of the
1930s - although the human costs and tolls are im-
measurable for both) and its impact on the unemployed.
This impact has been largely documented through anec-
dotes, human interest stories, and individual case
histories, rather than through systematic explorations of
the categories of experiences identified through studies
as was done during the depression in the 1930s. This
treatise is a working paper to develop a conceptual base
for exploring the consequences of unemployment in terms
of its emotional impact upon the unemployed of the 1980s.
Unemployment for some segments of society has been
an ubiquitous problem, its effect manifested by what have
become social concerns, for example, poverty, large
numbers of people on welfare, people who have given up
searching for employment, youth who see no hope in the
future, and so forth. With the economic recession of the
past few years, even heretofore ‘‘middle-class’”’ people
have begun to experience the disconnectedness which
is the consequence of unemployment, that is, home
foreclosures, alienation from working friends, embarrass-
ment, loss of self-esteem, fear, depression, and rage.1
The media have compared—and dismissed—the
human consequences of unemployment of the 1980s with
those of the 1930s with such statements as “‘unemploy-
ment is not as bad now as it was in the 1930s.’’ While
there appears to be some preliminary evidence as well
as logic for assuming that the experience of being
unemployed now has similarities to that of the 1930s, little
Systematic evidence exists to show that the adjustment
to the current experience will be, as it was then, resigna-
tion and apathy. On the contrary, some information (mainly
verbal reports from helping professionals) indicate that the
unemployed today are neither resigned nor apathetic. In-
deed, some aspects of unemployment today may be
Similar to those of the thirties, but the social contexts—
including social climate, personal aspirations, values,
hopes, needs, and beliefs—in which these events occur-
red and are occurring serve to make the experience of
joblessness different for these two eras.
Much of the literature written in the 1930s about
unemployment was in the form of case studies giving ac-
counts of personal tragedies and the like. Even though
some attempt was made to quantify experiences, much
of what remains is impressionistic and incomplete. These
BLACK CAUCUS
17
studies did, however, provide some basic knowledge
about the impact of unemployment on people and families.
One such major study was conducted by Zawadski and
Lazarsfeld who identified six stages of reaction to
unemployment based on an analysis of 57
autobiographies. These stages began with dismissal
which results in:
...generally a feeling of injury; sometimes strong
fear and distress; sometimes an impulse toward
revenge; hatred; indignation; fury. Thereafter
comes a stage of numbness and apathy which
is gradually replaced by calming down and an
increase in steadiness, bringing one again to a
relative mental balance. This mental stage is
characterized by a resumption of activity; the
unemployed become calm as they see that
things go along somehow, and adapt themselves
to circumstances; they trust in God, fate, or in
their own ability, and try to believe that the situa-
tion will improve very soon. But this hope
becomes constantly weaker when they see the
futility of effort. When the situation becomes
harder, the old savings and new resources ex-
hausted, then comes the hopelessness which ex-
presses itself at first in attacks of fear, for in-
stance, fear of winter and of homelessness,
which culminate in distress, the expression of
which is the thought of an attempt at suicide.
After these outbreaks usually comes either sober
acquiescence or dumb apathy, and then the
alternation between hope and hopelessness, ac-
tivity and passivity, according to the momentary
changes in the material situation.2
Bakke,? and Eisenberg and Lazarsfeld* also delineated
similar stages using the case study approach. These
stages have recently been confirmed by replication by
Powell and Driscoll.5 What is interesting about these
stages in that they appear to be similar to the stages of
reaction to grief, loss, and change as reported by Kubler-
Ross,® Marris,” Bowlby,® and Becker. Kubler-Ross iden-
tified five stages which she states most dying persons ex-
prience. These are denial and isolation, anger, bargain-
ing, depression, and acceptance. Borrera and Rivera,'°
and Komarovsky"! have identified several categories of
experience provided by unemployment which contribute
Volume 15, 1984-1985
to the needs of people as they strive to make sense out
of their existence or create and maintain their everyday
world. These experiences include: structuring their day;
wider social experiences; need to undertake collective pur-
pose (and to receive the products that result from collec-
tive action); need to know where they stand in society as
compared with others in order to Clarify their personal
identity; and need for regular activities.
An important consequence of unemployment related to
the above concerns the loss of status and identity for the
unemployed person. As all people are socialized as
members of their social world, their reality (that is, their
view of the world), then, is a product of that socialization
process. It follows that if reality is a social construct, then
for the most part, so is behavior and the meaning that
behavior has for the individual displaying it. Society (the
United States) dictates that the valued adult is one who
is productive in some way, preferably through paid
employment. The employed are automatically imbued
with a role and status that indicate they “‘belong” and are
held with some esteem by the rest of society. When in-
dividuals lose the role and status of employment, a major
and crucial means for access to societal approval is
eliminated. Their view of the world and practiced ways of
responding to that world are no longer adequate or func-
tional. For the unemployed in the 1930s, Jahoda12
reported the subsequent narrowing and impoverishment
of social experience of unemployed individuals because
of the change in the structure of their daily life. These
relatively isolated individuals reported feelings of shame
and self-doubt which further led to withdrawal from social
relations. Such feelings can be especially devastating to
the minority person who has often overcome many
obstacles to obtain employment and for whom unemploy-
ment is the final indignity. Consequently, the loss is ex-
acerbated at several levels; that is, an established pat-
tern of relationships (based on being a self-sufficient
employed person) is disrupted in a way for which the in-
dividual is not prepared. The resulting crisis is one of
discontinuity (unemployment and impending dependen-
cy) and the need is to restore that continuity. The nature
of any change that takes place turns on the relationship
between continuity of Purpose and continuity of mean-
ingful circumstances. In other words, when a person is
no longer employed, the continuity of Purpose is disrupted
and not congruent with the way that individual interprets,
defines, and responds to life and his/her relationship to
it.13 In the 1930s, this discontinuity was experienced not
only in the work environment but in the social/familial en-
vironment as well. In the traditional patriarchal view of the
family, the husband was the authority figure based on his
ability to support, protect, and provide for his family.
Komarovsky'* found that unemployment disrupted the
authority and, consequently, the role relationships within
the family. In other words, unemployment appears to be
a powertul force in shaping and reshaping self-esteem and
self-identity.
18
The loss associated with the loss of status and identity
and, consequently, self esteem appears on preliminary
examination to be the most devastating to the unemployed
person, because it indicates the person’s inability to pro-
vide for family and self as he/she has been accustomed
to doing. For the unemployed person, efficacy—that is,
the ability to act successfully on behalf of oneself—is
jeopardized and, consequently, so is the sense of com-
petence and empowerment, namely, the ability to draw
from inside oneself the strength to manage any life situa-
tion. While these processes to a large extent are cultural-
ly determined conventions, they are also skills which can
be learned and taught.
Efficacy, competence, and empowerment represent
success in negotiating one’s environment. Ata very basic
level, efficacy, as stated above, is the ability to act suc-
cessfully in the environment on behalf of oneself.15 Com-
petence is a paradoxical concept in much the same way
that Garfinkel explained reflexivity, namely, that at the
Same time one is maintaining one’s competence one is
also creating it.1*6 Competence is an evaluative concept
usually applied as a judgment from outside oneself.
However, for this treatise, competence is defined as
behavior that is congruent, consistent, and adequate with
regard to the needs of the setting/situation in which the
individual is involved.17 Empowerment amplifies and
generalizes that behavior to a wider range of situations. 18
Thus, empowerment is the ability to draw one’s internal
and external resources to manage any life situation. While
one cannot always change an event, one can manage
one’s response to it. That response can lead to a reper-
toire of behaviors characterized by competence and em-
powerment or impotence, helplessness, depression, and
lack of efficacy. The following graphic representation il-
lustrates the relationships. As Zawadski and Lazarsfeld,
and others have reported, anger is an element of any loss
or change and plays a part in the degree of efficacy the
person feels in his/her life situation.19 There appears,
however, to be some differences emerging among the
unemployed of the 1980s in the quality of that anger as
well as its discharge, use, and outcome.
Rage, an extreme form of anger, is both a process and
@ product. The rage and frustration felt by unemployed
people can be viewed as a response to the ensuing
economic uncertainty and their loss of role and status. The
world has been rendered unpredictable for people who
have always viewed it as predictable—whether benign or
threathening, their world was predictable, nevertheless.
As predictability rests on the regularity of events as well
as the continuity of their meaning, when the unpredictable
occurs the subsequent loss of meaning sets the individual
adrift in uncharted waters and rage appears to be an in-
creasing response.
While unemployed people in the 1930s reportedly had
feelings of resentment and hostility toward their former
employers, Kaufman2° reported on a study by Estes in
1973 which found that approximately three-fifths of both
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19
etc.)
/
Society
unemployed and working professionals expressed ex-
treme anger toward others and that they “boil inside.”’ In
a similar study, Kaufman found that aggression and ex-
treme anger were expessed toward others by almost one-
half of the people employed during a recession. Kaufman
concluded that:
It may be in times of high unemployment, anx-
iety and frustration become so widespread that
even persons who still have work not only
become extremely angry toward those perceived
to be responsible for job insecurity, but may also
displace this anger toward others or themselves.
The evidence presented thus far lends some
credibility to the existence of great anger
generated by job loss even among those who
continue working. This would certainly help to ac-
count for the increases in aggressive behavior
observed during economic recessions directed
either against others or oneself.21
Of particular relevance to the above is the notion of
locus of control, originally formulated by Rotter22 and
enlarged upon by Gurin and his colleagues,23 and For-
ward and Williams,24 among others. According to these
researchers, people who feel that they have little control
over what happens to them and that outcomes can be at-
tributed to luck, fate, and the like exhibit an external locus
of control. On the other hand, those who believe that out-
comes are the result of their own behavior are internally
controlled. Kaufman reported that Anderson concluded
as a result of a longitudinal study involving locus of con-
trol and stress that:
...the coping behavior of externals involved fewer
attempts at dealing directly with the objective
problem and a greater dependence on defensive
responses such as emotional or anxiety reac-
tions. It was concluded that ‘the task oriented
coping behaviors of internals are apparently
associated with a more successful solution of the
problems created by the stressful event’ (Ander-
son, 1977, p. 450). In addition, it was indicated
that locus of control not only affects success in
dealing with a stressful situation but that success
influences future locus of control.25
Another concept related to self-esteem, a sense of com-
petence and efficacy, is helplessness or impotence, that
is, the belief that one can exert little control over outcomes
and that individual effort is of no consequence or that in-
dividual effort is unrelated to outcome. Seligman stated
that, “‘what produces self-esteem and a sense of com-
petence, and protects against depression, is not only the
absolute quality of experience, but the perception that
one’s own actions controlled the experience.’’26 However,
Wortman and Dintzer in a critique of the Abramson-
Seligman-Teasdale reformulation assert that:
20
...many of the behaviors associated with
helplessness (giving up, losing interest in the out-
come and/or motivation to pursue it) are
maladaptive only when the outcome in question
is controllable or modifiable. If the outcome is tru-
ly uncontrollable, these behaviors may be highly
functional...In fact, it may provide the motivation
or impetus for important and constructive
behavioral change to occur.27
One might ask, who would not be depressed under such
conditions? One might also reasonably conclude that
unemployed persons should be angry rather than de-
pressed, apathetic, and helpless as focused anger has
more of a chance of producing practical solutions to one’s
particular misery than does apathy. Indeed, many of the
unemployed retain their anger through the successive
unemployment response stages delineated previously.
However, rather than their anger acting as a catalyst for
change, it remains impotent in that the situation—that is,
unemployment—remains static. The unemployed of the
1980s (namely, children of the 1960s and the Great Socie-
ty) were nurtured on the ideal of just rewards following
hard work and that work would be available for the ask-
ing. The reality that has emerged, however, is that hard
work has not necessarily produced the anticipated
rewards. In addition, in the 1930s people perceived
themselves as not being alone in their plight. Unemploy-
ment was pervasive and people knew others were in a
similar condition. In the 1980s, however, unemployment
rates are high, but they are differentially high for particular
segments of the population. The Bureau of Labor
Statistics indicated that minorities have a higher incidence
of unemployment than whites have, women higher than
men, and Black youth higher than anyone. Consequent-
ly, for the people who are unemployed, it appears as if
they were singled out for this particular indignity.
The resulting anger, then, cannot be focused in a way
that would lead to stress or anxiety-reducing behavior.
These people cannot rationally attribute their unemploy-
ment to themselves or ‘‘the system’ which would allow
them to discharge or vent some of their anger. Essential-
ly, these people are “‘stuck”’ at the earliest stage of the
unemployment response in much the same way that griev-
ing people sometimes get ‘‘stuck’’ in the process.
Although the person may proceed through other stages
of the process, the anger remains unfocused and,
therefore, impotent and unable to fuel the fires of change
and efficacy. The resulting loss in self-esteem then makes
efficacious action even more difficult. Although the source
of the problem is societal and systemic, the effect is
ultimately felt by individuals who must cope as best they
can, often with limited internal and/or external resources.
This phenomenon of intense, ineffective, unfocused anger
has been termed impotent rage by the author. The con-
tinuing incongruence in the message the person gives
him/herself—“‘I’m OK; | paid my dues, | did all the right
things’’—and the feedback provided by society—‘‘That’s
tough; that’s not enough; it’s your fault’’—fuels the rage,
but the individual becomes the end point of a closed
system. An explosion can be the only outcome. For the
unemployed person, the result can only be negative and
destructive unless the ‘‘closed system”’ is tapped, the
anger focused, and the process continued to some con-
clusion that is positive.
Since the problems are complex, the strategies for ‘‘tap-
ping the system’’ must address several levels, namely,
the policy level as well as direct intervention and preven-
tion levels. Conveying feelings of efficacy, competence,
and empowerment in unemployed people is the rightful
goal of social work intervention. These strategies must in-
clude systemic approaches aimed at society at large,
employers, and the local community, and. interpersonal
approaches aimed toward natural helping networks, such
as families and toward individual capacity building. These
strategies make possible both intervention and preven-
tion activities and provide the context to competence
building and empowerment.
Systemic Strategies
Bowen’s notion of societal projection, as delineated by
Pinderhughes, has particular relevance for the develop-
ment of systemic strategies.28 Bowen defined the societal
projection process as one in which the ‘‘haves”’ treat the
“have nots”’ as inferior and/or incompetent. The ‘‘have
nots” or victims of this process include mental patients,
Criminals, alcoholics, minorities, the unemployed, and the
poor. He stated that:
These groups fit the best criteria for long-term,
anxiety relieving projection. They are vulnerable
to become the pitiful objects of the benevolent,
Oversympathetic segment of society that im-
Proves its functioning at the expense of the
pitiful. Just as the least adequate child in a family
can become more impaired when he becomes
an object of pity and oversympathetic help from
the family, so can the lowest segment of society
be chronically impaired by the very attention
designed to help. No matter how good the prin-
ciple of such programs, it is essentially impossi-
ble to implement them without the built-in com-
plications of the projection process. Such pro-
grams attract workers who are oversympathetic
with less fortunate people. They automatically
put the recipients in a ‘‘one down”’, inferior posi-
tion and they either keep them there or get angry
at them.29
These groups are kept powerless because they serve a
Purpose for the system of which they are a part, namely
Stability for their benefactors. They serve to absorb much
of the tension, conflict, contradiction, and confusion that
exists within the system and form convenient, visible
Scapegoats. As these groups compose the client popula-
21
tion of social workers, then social workers must be in-
cluded among those who may be benefactors in the
societal projection process despite protestations to the
contrary.3°
When the societal projection process is in operation,
the environment cannot or will not provide the necessary
resources of protection, security, support, and supplies
in sufficient quantity when and how they are needed. The
result can be stress, conflict, and an inability to cope with
the environment for families and their members as well
as for entire communities. The consequence for com-
munities is powerlessness. Pinderhughes has stated that:
“The more powerless a community due to denial
of resources and nutritive supplies, the more the
families within it are hindered from meeting the
needs of their members and from organizing to
improve the community so that it can provide
them with more....Paradoxically, the
powerlessness created by these political,
economic, and social forces undermines the very
skills that are so necessary for coping with
them.’’31
For many of the unemployed who will remain
unemployed because their jobs have been permanently
eliminated, access to resources, goods, and services has
been curtailed at the same time. Social workers need to
use strategies that include influencing policy development
for such actions as getting extensions for unemployment
insurance, job training, health benefits, and the like. By
empowering communities, so that their members are pro-
vided the resources needed to maintain themselves, the
downward spiral of individuals can be prevented for the
most part.
Employers can also be enjoined from contributing to the
disorganization of individuals, families, and communities.
When one’s life is predictable, then coping with various
stressful events can be a much easier task. From what
has been reported by the media, when workers were laid
off or euphemistically ‘“‘RIFFED”’ that is, reduced in force,
little effort was made by employers to prepare their
workers for this stressful, traumatic event. Although the
“grapevine” was undoubtedly in operation, the uncertain-
ty, anxiety, and frustration levels for those workers must
have been quite high. This could have been avoided by
informing workers about impending lay-offs, answering
questions about what will happen to the workers,
delineating possible options, (for example, the possibility
of obtaining employment at another facility owned by the
company), and helping workers plan for and locate other
employment. Companies must accept some responsibili-
ty for the consequence of corporate behavior in the com-
munities from which they draw their workers. For exam-
ple, companies could maintain a human resource super-
fund. In much the same way that chemical companies con-
tribute to the clean-up of the environment other companies
could contribute a small percentage (for example, one per-
ene a,
edi T i Pi Pl i ge AN EN i li Nn A NO NE EA OME 8 SI Ra itt
|
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ae
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HE
an
cent) of their income to offset the effect of massive lay-
offs. This fund would go beyond unemployment insurance.
It could be used by workers to pay relocation costs, mor-
tgage and car payments, and other necessities which
were not covered by other payments. Companies could
be allowed to deduct these contributions from their Cor-
porate income taxes.
Influencing the external system, whether society at large
or employers, to be less destructive will require organiza-
tion, pressure, negotiation, coalition building, and the like.
Organizing for empowerment is an age-old tactic that is
still quite appropriate for the 1980s.
Interpersonal Solutions
Interpersonal solutions for competence development
and empowerment involve such things as the develop-
ment, use, and maintenance of (natural) helping networks,
as well as directly empowering families. In the social work
literature, natural helping appears in contrast to profes-
sional helping and assumes that people are members of
interacting units such as families, small groups, and com-
munities which can be mobilized to promote competence
in the individual as well as the unit. Caplan used a term
related to helping networks, “‘social support,” and defined
it as follows: ‘‘(a) The significant others help the individual
mobilize his psychological resources and master emo-
tional burdens; (b) they share his tasks; and (c) they pro-
vide him with extra supplies of money, materials, tools,
skills, and cognitive guidance to improve his handling of
his situation.””32 Social support of heiping networks enable
their participants to interact with their (social) en-
vironments in ways that promote their own well-being and
add to available resources.33
Pinderhughes noted that a family’s functional fit with
the environment is a major factor in its ability to experience
and exercise power in the control of its own destiny.
‘‘When there is a good fit, the environment offers support,
security, protection, and supplies, and the family in us-
ing them can create for itself an effective organization that
enables members to reach individual and group goals.
When the fit is poor and support is lacking, the family can
compensate for this failure.” Compensation takes the
form of social support or helping networks such as the
extended family, the neighborhood, the church, and even
bartenders and hairdressers.
Social workers’ intervention Strategies need to focus on
helping families further develop, assess, and use social
systems or helping networks where they exist and assist
families in creating such networks when they are absent.
The goal and expected outcome is the promotion of com-
petence and empowerment for families with emphasis on
the identification of strengths.
A view of competence based on the interaction of the
person in the environment is characterized by emphasis
on the following features:
1. A humanistic perspective on people.
2. Redefinition of human problems in transactional
terms.
3. Reformation of assessment as competence
clarification.
4. Redefinition of client and practitioner roles, with
clients viewed primarily as resources and practi-
tioners as enable agents.
5. Redefinition of the client-worker relationship, par-
ticularly in terms of mutuality and authenticity.
6. Focus on life processes and life experiences.
7. Emphasis on using the environment.
8. Regular use of client feedback.35
Social work practice using this competency based em-
powerment approach consists of changing the person-
environment transaction in order to Support the com-
petence of individuals and families to act efficaciously in
the environment in their own behalf. Maluccio states “that
competence and therefore empowerment is most effec-
tively achieved when intervention is directed toward an
ecological unit, consisting of a person and his immediate
social environment, rather than toward the person
alone.” This leads logically and naturally to a de-
emphasis of personal pathology or deficits and, con-
comitantly, emphasis on improvement of the person-
environment transaction rather than treatment of the per-
son per se. In other words, intervention is aimed toward
increasing the client’s competence and, consequently, the
ability to act successfully in the environment on his/her
behalf.
The interruption of the impotent rage cycle for the
unemployed rests to a large extent on the ingenuity of the
social worker in initiating a range of intervention strategies
such as the ones mentioned above, as we can no longer
look to governmental bodies at any level (local, state, or
federal) for direction or solutions. We must use the skills
and techniques that are our professional armaments and
continue to reaffirm our commitment to helping people
help themselves.
Olita D. Harris, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor, School
of Social Work, College of Human Service, San Diego
State University, San Diego, California.
FOOTNOTES
'H. G. Kaufman, Professionals in Search of Work: Coping with the
Stress of Job Loss and Underemployment (New York: John Wiley &
Sons, 1982), pp. 17-60.
22
2Bohan Zawadski and Paul Lazarsfeld, ‘‘The Psychological Conse-
quences of Unemployment,” Journal of Social Psychology, 6, No. 2 (May,
1935), 235.
3E. Wright Bakke, Citizens Without Work (Connecticut: Yale Press,
40), pp.180-225.
Bea etsorntiorg and Paul Lazarsfeld, ‘‘The Psychological Effects
of Unemployment,’ Psychological Bulletin, 35 (June, 1935), 378.
5D.H. Powell and P.F. Driscoll, ‘‘Middle-Class Professionals Face
sa ” Soci _ 2 (1973), 18-26.
Unemployment,”’ Society, 10, No :
valet Kubler-Ross, On Death and Dying (New York; The Mac-
millan Co., 1969).
7Peter Marris, Loss and Change (New York: Anchor Books, 1975).
8John Bowlby, Separation, Anxiety and Anger (New York: Basic Books,
1973).
%Ernest Becker, Revolution in Psychiatry (New York: The Free Press,
Ve ashi Borrera and Hector A. Rivera, ‘“Toward a Meaning of
Work,” Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 7 (November, 1980),
ie i Komarovsky, The Unemployed Man and His Family (New York:
Dryden Press, Inc., 1940), p.23.
12Marie Jahoda, Employment and Unemployment (Cambridge: Cam-
i niversity Press, 1982), pp. 15-32.
wet ‘atin Loss and Change (New York: Anchor Books, 1975);
see also, Ernest Becker, Revolution in Psychiatry (New York: The Free
Press, 1964); Ernest Becker, The Birth and Death of Meaning (New York:
The Free Press, 1971).
14Komarovsky, Op. Cit., p. 2.
SViktor Gecas and Michael L. Schwalbe, “‘Beyond the Looking-Glass
Self: Social Structure and Efficacy-Based Self-Esteem,’’ Social
Psychology Quarterly, 46, No. 2 (1983), 77-88. See also, Ernest Becker,
Revolution in Psychiatry (New York: The Free Press, 1964).
'6Harold Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology (Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967). vm)
'7Mahlon Brewster Smith, ‘Competence and Socialization.’ Socializa-
tion and Society, ed. by John A. Clausen (New York: Little, Brown and
Co., Inc., 1968), pp. 270-320. ;
James W. Green, Cultural Awareness in the Human Services
(Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1982), pp. 52-66.
'8Barbara Bryant Solomon, Black Empowerment: Social Work in Op-
pressed Communities (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976).
19Zawadski and Lazarsfeld, Op. Cit., p. 224-251.
20Kaufman, Op. Cit., p. 36.
21/bid.
22)J.B. Rotter, ‘Generalized Expectancies for Internal Versus Exter-
nal Control of Reinforcement,”’ Psychological Monographs, 80, No. 609
(1966), pp. 1-28. te
23P. Gurin, et al., “‘Internal-External Control in the Motivational
Dynamics of Negro Youth,” Journal of Social Issues, 25 (1959), pp.
22-54.
24J.R. Forward and J.R. Williams, ‘‘Internal and External Control and
Black Militancy,’’ Journal of Social Issues, 26 (1970), pp. 75-92.
25Kaufman, Op. Cit., p. 42,
26Martin E. P. Seligman, Helplessness: On Depression, Development
and Death (San Francisco: W.H. Freeman, 1975), p. 99. Fic.
27Camille B. Wortman and Leonard Dintzer, ‘Is an Attributional
Analysis of the Learned Helplessness Phenomenon Viable?: A Critique
of the Abramson-Seligman-Teasdale Reformulation,” Journal of Abnor-
logy, 87, No. | (1978), p. 87.
per, nal “Empowerment for Our Clients and for
’’ Social Casework, 64, 6 (June, 1983).
ead ary Family Therapy in Clinical Practice (New York: Jason
Aronson, 1978), pp. 444-445.
30Pinderhughes, Op. Cit., p. a
31Pj hes, Op. Cit., p. 5
al agp set ss Systems and Community Mental Health
Consultation (New York: Behavioral Publications, 1974), pp. 5-6.
33Carol R. Swenson, “‘Using Natural Helping Networks to Promote
Competence.; Promoting Competence in Clients, ed. by Anthony Maluc-
cio (New York: The Free Press, 1981), pp. 125-151.
34Pj hes, Op. Cit., p. 333.
adit! gr rranoly ‘conascumadadaa Social Work jyow a
An Ecological Approach.”” Promoting Competence in Clients, ed. by An-
thony N. Maluccio (New York: The Free Press, 1981), p. 11.
36/bid.
ica aPC ERAS ER a aa ES
Industry-Family Partnership: Implications for Black
Families and Black Social Workers
by
Jean A. McRae, M.S.W.
he decade of the 1980s has given rise to a new
partnership between industry and the family.
Throughout the history of industrialization these
two partners have circled each other in a dance of mutual
dependence, without fully recognizing it or using it for
mutual good. During recent history this Partnership has
intensified. There is a new recognition of family needs by
the for-profit sector, and a new realization of interdepen-
dence. ’ Black social workers and others can help to high-
light this industry-family Partnership, and be instrumental
in creating beneficial programs and in empowering Black
family members to seek and receive justifiable workplace
benefits. This article will discuss the present situation, how
it developed, and the possible enhancement and expan-
sion of the Black social worker’s role in educating and em-
powering families and themselves.
Background
Why is the corporate world suddenly interested in the
welfare and needs of the worker? Why is attention being
given to such issues as workers’ stress, family life, men-
tal health on the job, and the expansion of benefits? The
answer lies in several converging factors: low productiv-
ity in the American workplace, lifestyle changes within the
American population, and present-day economic realities
Productivity is the bottom line. Profit-making organizations
are not interested in family concerns because of altruism
but because of the need for greater worker effectiveness
to avoid financial losses.
Lifestyles and economics are also elements of prime
importance. Change is reflected in the following picture:
in the early 1950s, over 60% of American families con-
tained one breadwinner, one homemaker, and several
children. In January, 1985 only 17% of all families fit that
stereotype.? Over 30 million children, including half of
those under the age of 6, are presently growing up in
homes where both parents, or the sole parent, are
employed outside the home. Researchers, writers, and
professionals such as Norton and Glick, Kamerman
Kahn, and Kingston,¢ and Akabas® have documented this
accelerating trend. The economic realities of 1985 dictate
BLACK CAUCUS 24
pansion and meaningfulness of indust benefi ili [
in workplace developments, a greater role in public-private cooperation, and i sob i lata —
arch.
that most spouses and single parents must work to make
ends meet. For Black families, with a national median in-
come still half that of the white population, 62% are two-
income families.6 Due to the aforementioned growth of
two-paycheck families, the larger number of employed
Marian family participation in the labor force
, the time is ripe f i -fami
ren ill ak pe lor greater industry-family partner-
Today’s family members are affected by what happens
in the workplace, and the workplace is influenced by the
special needs and resources of family members on the
job. The world of work needs the family to contribute to
the current work force, to Produce and nurture future
workers, and to create and maintain a good community
for enterprise. The family needs the workplace for employ-
ment, income and benefits, fulfillment and achievement
and Participation in the community’s well-being. Accord-
- Coolsen’ and Akabas,® this is an ecological rela-
nship upon which indivi i i
pena elt dividual, family, and community
The workplace can help to strengthen working families
This should be an important issue for Black families.
Workplace programs for counseling, health recreation,
and education have gained new momentum during the
1980s because of the larger number of employed parents
grandparents, and teenagers whose focus is no longae
only home and school. Many companies have set up
Employee Assistance Programs (EAPs) and Wellness Pro-
grams (WPs) to help employees cope with personal and
family problems, and with stress — to increase work pro-
ductivity, and to start building a more solid work force and
attract good workers3. Previously, the family did most of
the “cooperating” with the workplace. Now it is time for
the workplace to start meeting more family needs
especially with the decline in funds for public and non-
profit social services.
Prevention in the Workplace
: One aspect of industry-family partnership and coopera-
ion is the concept and practice of prevention in the
workplace — an idea whose time has come. As previously
Volume 15, 1984-1985
mentioned, the decade of the 1980s has seen a new em-
phasis on worker effectiveness and the factors that im-
pact upon it. Therefore, the use of EAPs to help solve
worker performance problems is growing rapidly’.
In one form or another, the American private sector has
provided limited aid to troubled employees since 18301".
Historically, EAPs only dealt with the rehabilitation of the
alcoholic worker, particularly during the 1930s through
1950s. During the 1960s, more attention began to be
turned to broader intervention at the workplace. “Sensitiv-
ity sessions” and ‘‘encounter groups’’ proliferated and
continued into the 1970s. The 1970s saw the rise of
discussion groups at work on cultural and ethnic diver-
sity due to the greater employment of more non-white and
culturally diverse workers. This progression has led to the
present acceptance of EAPs. Today’s situation is ex-
emplified by a study of American Society for Personnel
Administration members?'2 who reported that contempo-
rary services include alcohol and drug counseling, as well
as marital, financial, legal, and other emotional/social
counseling and referrals.
EAPs are also closely allied with corporate Wellness
and Fitness Programs. WPs emphasize physical fitness
through aerobic exercise, good nutrition, regular medical
check-ups, and the reduction and management of
stress.13 Some organizations include spouses in their
WPs, and there is an emphasis on reduction of family
Stress. At the present time, 6,000 United States corpora-
tions, including more than half of the Fortune 500, are
helping their employees live and work more productively
through EAPs and related programs.14 However, Ameri-
can companies are still years behind their European
counterparts. Countries such as France, Great Britain, the
Netherlands, the Scandinavian countries, Canada and
others have a far-reaching array of supportive activities
and programs for workers and families.15 Due to history
and geography, the American enterpise system evolved
very differently, and belated recognition of the fact that
no man is an island,”’ coupled with concrete efforts and
programs, is a big step forward considering this
background.
Work-based Day Care is also on the rise, although not
nearly as fast as the demand for it.16 Some employers pro-
vide on-site child care, including the United States Senate.
Others provide vouchers for the use of parents at private
nursery schools and child care facilities. Still other
workplaces provide referrals to available community
facilities at all price ranges. ‘‘Cafeteria’”’ benefit plans at
@ growing number of companies let employees choose
combinations of day care assistance, adoption assistance,
nursing home care for the elderly, and various personal
hospitalization plans.
America is beginning to recognize the urgent need for
high-quality care for young children. As mentioned
Previously, a number of countries have already forged
ahead in this area. In particular, the Scandinavian coun-
tries are child care leaders.17 Several factors have given
Se to the slow but steady growth of work-based day care
25
here: the many mothers who work, either as the sole sup-
porters of their children or as necessary co-providers in
two-parent homes; the lack of adequate and acceptable
child care facilities in many locales; and the desire of the
‘baby boom”’ generation to be closely involved in their
children’s care and development.'® Aiding both the day
care at work movement and the EAP expansion are the
present United States government tax credits for organiza-
tions that establish worksite day care facilities, under the
Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981.
Unfortunately, most employers are not taking advantage
of this option. It is still a new concept for this country, and
great resistance to change is a factor. There is a new push
underway for more stringent national regulations regard-
ing day care, and more publicity is being given to the
needs. It is hoped that greater impetus will be generated
by public pressure and publicity. Informing employers of
these and other choices is one way that Black social
workers and Black families can empower and involve
themselves in the expansion of options.
Union involvement may or may not be important in the
process. Some union affiliates have been quite instrumen-
tal in getting companies to provide EAPs, and in setting
up day care facilities. Others have been indifferent or
discriminatory. Companies such as United Airlines have
a multi-level EAP structure encompassing management,
union, and all types of employees at every salary and
hourly level. Unions can be good tools in the expansion
of benefits if they have the will to do so.
Black Families at Work
What is the significance of all these developments for
Black families? Apparently, EAPs and related services
such as work-based day care are here to stay. Such com-
pany programs present options not widely available as
recently as a decade ago. Their growth is expected, and
it is also predicted that their effectiveness will improve and
that they will become better integrated into the areas of
human resources management. These workplace ser-
vices and benefits can aid the Black family on several
levels: (1) strengthening the Black family economically by
providing a steady and adequate income; (2) providing
child care assistance so vital to working parents and
grandparents; (3) providing counseling and referral, thus
helping to alleviate mental health problems and provide
positive strategies for coping with job and non-job stress;
(4) providing access to valuable information through
company-sponsored education; and (5) prolonging life
through health care plans and WPs with emphasis on nu-
trition, exercise and effective living. The Black commu-
nity should begin to advocate more of these work-based
benefits.
Black families have always been hard workers—from
the devastating legacy of slavery, to the semi-siavery of
sharecropping, to the “‘last hired-first fired’ heavy labor
in mines, factories, construction, domestic labor, and
many other low-paying jobs requiring great physical ex-
NN
SReAaaasedeee 2 Ss
ertion. For most of the Black American collective work ex-
perience, there have been no occupational safety and
health requirements, no minimum wage laws, no grie-
vance procedures, and few amenities. Personal accounts
of Black labor force Participants are filled with anecdotes
about racial discrimination, harassment, being cheated of
wages, lack of career ladders, and so forth.19
Black women have been in the forefront of the work
| world alongside Black men. Eyewitness accounts—such
as those by Franklin,20 Lerner,2’ Wilson,22 and Gid-
dings?3—tell of their limited opportunities and great op-
Pression. Today, Black women have a labor force par-
HI ticipation rate of 55.2%, higher than white women (53.3%)
| | | or Hispanic women (49.9%), according to 1984 figures
a from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.24 Of necessity, many
Black women have forged a new role for women by suc-
cessfully incorporating work and family life. This has also
added to the characteristic flexibility of the Black family
wherein the nuclear family is only one of the existing
forms, and the family members can play more than one
role or exchange roles as needed, as described by
Billingsley25 and Hill.26
Unfortunately, too many Black families stil} have to
Struggle to become part of the labor force. Unemployment
figures in 1984 for Blacks included the following percen-
tages: 15.9% for the total Black Population; 14.3% for
males over 20; 13.5% for females over 20; 42.7% for all
Black teenagers with 42.7% for male teens and 42.6%
for female teens.27 The latter figures are Particularly pain-
ful because of the large numbers of teenage parents who
need to join the workforce and develop lifelong careers
for economic Stability, Self-development, and as role
Hil models for their children. Clearly, efforts to reduce Black
| unemployment and provide expanded job opportunities
| cannot be relaxed.
For those Blacks who are working, however, many im-
| provements are needed. Black workers at the lower end
of the wage scale stil! contend with frequent layoffs, sex-
1 ual harassment, and sometimes illegal Personnel policies,
| as well as instances of lax Safety enforcement measures. 28
White collar corporate Blacks may not have to do the back-
breaking work of their ancestors, but they still Pay a price
in enduring subtle and overt racial hostility from co-
workers, coping with limited decision-making roles, con-
W tending with office politics, and still dealing with sexual
I harassment as well. These conditions can Cause emo-
tional turmoil and wreak havoc on personal and family
life .29
When companies recognize family needs and make
| some effort to meet them, this is a way of ‘“‘humanizing”
| | organizations so that they become better Places in which
q to produce and succeed. Black families can make gains
| | through the enactment of such philosophies and ap-
| / proaches. Some of the specific things that companies can
do include: institute flexible work hours through flexitime,
| permanent part-time, and possible work-at-home options;
| provide education and Support group programs through
noontime seminars, task forces for working parents, and
options for continuing education: and provide employee
benefits options including family sick leave, maternity/
paternity leave, and flexible benefits that can be better
tailored to specific needs.3° Black families can respond
by working with local industries to bring about these
changes, by supporting those companies that exhibit flex-
ibility, and by establishing a community climate that will
attract positive employers. Black churches, parent-school
groups, community improvement associations, and similar
organizations can test their empowerment by making con-
tact with local medium- to large-sized employers. Human
resources and “‘community relations” personnel, as well
as receptive unions, are good places to start. Through
these efforts, the somewhat bitter residue of the past can
evolve into a brighter legacy for the future.
In a study of stable Black families,31 researchers found
that such families had strengths in religiosity (e¢ncompass-
ing the ability to inspire), counseling, problem-solving,
dependability, and Public speaking. They also hada high
Participation rate in church-related groups and school
organizations, and a moderate Participation rate in civic
groups and fraternal organizations. Voting rates among
Study participants were also good. Studies such as this
show that many Black families have the Skills and at-
tributes necessary to take positive action and wield in-
fluence, under the aegis of supportive guidance and
information.
Black Social Workers
What can Black social workers do? “Humanizing” the
workplace and empowering Black families are tall orders.
Where do Black social workers fit in and what is their role?
First, asa beginning, Black social workers must become
more familiar with current and future labor market trends
in order to help Black families Catch up with today’s
realities and prepare for the future. Foremost among these
trends is the move from a manufacturing and heavy
citizens—if their skills have kept pace with high technology
developments. Greater industry-family Partnership will be
necessary to smooth these transitions without disrupting
dinator in ‘‘The Corporate Samaritan,” and points up the
multifaceted aspects of giving and receiving help on the
job.34 Many other practitioners have written about various
aspects of workplace practice, including: Skidmore,
Balsam, and Jones;35 Wrich;36 Busch;37 and Myers.38
Occupational Social
The 1985 NASW eines” bola ei oe
Work—held in Boston, Massachu Se
ment, theory, and practical advice ata
tering workplace arenas as EAP specialists,
pth Gaines managers, and organizational develop-
ni . secialists.2° The theme of this petit aith was
pubis Challenges, and pasate gies sin
i on opportunity. I
ote Be octione for thericah idl and broaden their
ag change agents, more Black we eet bi
involved in learning about wor lace o
ite onc in seeking and securing such positions if they
e.
aa 30 schools of social apa Be eee
tional social work curricula in variou a pi st
, according to a 1983 survey. Examp :
sainash Service in the bab Piaiat s)he
istance Sequence,”’ ‘‘Socia
7. Ean,” and the sii pegliviri iegu
“Occupational Social Work.”’ ‘is es fips :
ols of social work will have such courses.
Dr incwn how many Black students are ce hi
these programs. More data will be available etre st
1985 survey of occupational social workers by the wiki
Association of Social Workers (NASW).42 eer bits
is no present indication that the NASW data wi bap iat
down by race or ethnicity. Therefore, it might : e ale
while project for the National Association of B vt ee
Workers (NABSW) to survey the present num a 03
isting Black occupational social workers, to vane aes
needs to the year 2000, and to encourage more stu “aes
to enter the field. NABSW could also be vigilant alk
gesting curricula that emphasize the pea i hi at 3
industry-family partnership, Strategies for dea fee wh
Blacks in the workplace and meeting their specific a
cerns, and the need for expansion of workplace bene
to Black working families.
Aside ‘al ees work, Black social workers can one
as advocates whether they are connected with ape A
not. Advocacy can be done in the following Wik
disseminating information about industry-family part te
ship at NABSW meetings and conventions; (2) wired
the Black community of possible benefits rhs oT
through local companies after checking with pers
ents and human resources divisions; (3) work-
niga yh unions to provide greater benefits to se
family members; (4) encouraging company son airs r
to provide greater benefits through personal pap: cn
ing seminars and exchanges, and pointing out t a —
programs can produce greater worker precuiseinn, aie
(5) encouraging industry-community pay aoe ah
meetings to make industries more aware o com ng
needs and desires, and to make the community 8 ihe
industry constraints and mere ing! . van bea neil
for research, covering such iss oe
fits to Black workers and expansion or con
lng ei methods of making Blacks more pn H
workplace services, Strategies to increase ~~ cron
ices, limits of workplace services, ne sh
of workplace gon for ining prin hae
lack social workers ca
7 to foster agency-industry sgiianinneesy peste
ae ai pet Labeti formation of
; ; :
vt pale lige distribution of helpful damit:
help with pre-retirement planning, and other ea pee
course, ‘“‘charity should begin at — a ps
worker should take a ee teogheale ws ae
me PPS ; 3
1 ae caeoek Go Aa factors in other —_
F aleanolle drug-addicted, and otherwise molars
ieee social workers are ignored or routinely
"One Genie of agency-industry gions obi
Workplace Project now being conducted a pie
for Urban Affairs and Research.*? Mien sa . perio
families at the workplace through re ie pine
centers, workplace EAPs, and the AFL AO. ad
ivitie: the project presents worksite sem pay
eit! Work and Family Life, Preventing 6
Reject Se la and “‘Burnout.”’ Also posoues “a
reais perpen aya, commences This
i Arh of the ways in which an oe
aianl f n. or individual practitioner can touch tte
et ah te in anon-threatening pre 8 perms
i r’s challenges, c ole, ang
beech med be illustrated in the following way:
27
th work-
Y Officials
ations
Pportunities
eetings of concern wi
place/compan
Community rel
!
Workplace seminars
Consultation o
=e
WORKPLACE/PRIVATE
BASIC OFFERINGS
SECTOR OPTIONS
Need for humanizing
Employment
=
Areas
~<«— of
Action
Area of Change
Inter-
; g
Private coopera-
ograms
!
preparation
To meet the basic needs of Black families and encom-
pass the components of industry-family partnership as
described in this article, Black social workers have the
necessary tools (as listed in Table 1) to use in facilitating
change. (Note the inclusion of self-education in the list.)
Imagination should play a most important part in any
change or enabling strategy—not as a fanciful means of
escape, but as a creative way to expand thoughts that will
lead to new action. Too often, social workers become so
busy struggling for autonomy, economic viability, and
combatting bureaucracy that they neglect the creative part
of themselves that will help lead to positive change. In the
graphic figure given, the linking area between families,
social workers, and workplaces is the ‘‘Area of Change.”
Anything is possible here, or perhaps, very little can be
accomplished immediately. However, in the long run, an
impact can be made that will aid Black families as they
continue to push forward.
Conclusion
The concepts of industry-family partnership and
workplace prevention strategies are becoming firmly en-
trenched in America’s private sector. Black social workers
need to increase their knowledge and practice in these
areas, and prepare to help Black families gain access to
these new benefits, while not abandoning the fight to ex-
tend employment and economic rights to al/ Black
families.
Jean A. McRae, M.S.W., is a Research Associate at the
Institute for Urban Affairs and Research, Howard Univer-
sity, Washington, D.C.
FOOTNOTES
"Mary Cole, ‘‘The Changing Relationship Between Business and the
Family.” The Grantsmanship Center News, November/December, 1982,
Pp. 33-37.
2U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Monthly Labor
Statistics, January, 1985.
°A.J. Norton and P.C. Glick, ‘‘Changes in American Family Life,”
Children Today, Volume 44, (1976): pp. 2-4.
“S.B. Kamerman, A.J. Kahn and P. Kingston, Maternity Policies and
Working Women. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983).
22Harriet E. Wilson, Our Nig. (New York: Vintage Books, re-published
1983).
23Paula Giddings, When and Where | Enter. (New York: William Mor-
row, 1984).
24U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, December,
1984.
25Andrew Billingsley, Black Families in White America. (Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1968).
26Robert Hill, The Strengths of Black Families. (New York: Emerson
Hall, 1972).
BASIC TOOLS
arrangements
* private consultin
education
* public-
tion pr.
* marketing social plans
BLACK SOCIAL WORKERS
* contractual
Assertiveness
Professional
Initiative
Self-
Advocacy
Enthusiasm
Empathy
Imagination:
——
Areas
Inter-
Action
—<— of
Area of Change
g
y
roup techniques
Ommunhnity education
Individual counselin
Family therap
G
C
BASIC NEEDS
benefits
* handling workplace
and options
stress
* work and child care
BLACK FAMILIES
forums and other
activities about:
* general workplace
* health insurance needs
*Sheila H. Akabas, ‘Workers are Parents Too,” Child Welfare, Volume
LXIII, No. 5 (1984): pp. 387-399.
ig Bureau of the Census, Current Black Population Data, February,
Mh’ Coolsen, Strengthening Families Through The Workplace.
(Chicago: National Committee for Prevention of Child Abuse, 1983).
*Akabas, op. cit.
°W.S. Dunkin, The EAP Manual. (New York: National Council on
Alcoholism, 1982).
; J. Dickman and W.G. Emener, ‘‘Employee Assistance Programs:
das Concepts, Attributes, and an Evaluation.” Personnel Administrator,
po 27, No. 8 (1983): pp. 55-56, 58.
Pale Popple, “Social Work Practice In Business and Industry,
ae Social Service Review, Volume 55, (1981): pp. 257-269.
~ Cc. Ford and J.S. McLaughlin, ‘‘Employee Assistance Programs:
Vol €scriptive Survey of ASPA Members,” Personnel Administrator,
Sy 26, No. 9 (1981): pp. 29-35.
pt .M. Cunningham, Wellness at Work. (Chicago: Blue Cross/Blue
2, Association, 1982).
4 .
Washington (D.C.) Business Group on Health, Current Statistics,
March, 1985.
vis hee of The Netherlands, Washington, D.C., March, 1985.
Riis samerman, ‘‘The Child Care Debate: Working Mothers vs.
eri Working Woman Magazine, November, 1983, pp. 131-135.
Embassy of Sweden, Swedish Information Center, Washington,
D.C., March, 1985.
18** ’
What's the Price of Day Care?”’ Newsweek Magazine, September:
0, 1984, pp. 14-21.
19
John L. Gwaltney, Drylongso. (New York: Vintage Books, 1981),
PP. 143-176.
20
John H. Franklin, The Free Negro In North Carolina, 1790-1860. (New
York:
rk: WLW. Norton, re-published 1971), pp. 128, 143.
21
Gerda Lerner, Black Women In White America. (New York: Vintage
Books, 1973), pp. 219-284.
27U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, December,
1984.
28M.A. Long, ‘‘Employer Non-Compliance With The Occupational
Safety and Health Act: Making the Worker Pay,” American University
Law Review, Volume 31, (1981): pp. 123-145.
28George Davis and Glegg Watson, Black Life In Corporate America:
Swimming In The Mainstream. (New York: Anchor Press, Doubleday,
1982.
30Coolsen, op. cit. ;
31Lawrence E. Gary, Lula A. Beatty, Greta L. Berry, and Mary D. Price,
Stable Black Families. (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Urban Affairs and
Research, Howard University, 1983).
32Alvin Toffler, The Third Wave. (New York: W. Morrow, 1980).
33America In Transition, Implications for Employee Benefits.
(Washington, DC: Employee Benefit Research Institute, 1982).
34Alice Kelvin, ‘‘The Corporate Samaritan,’ Working Woman
ine, January, 1983, pp. 84-90. re
oat erica D. Rae ate O.J. Jones, ‘“Social Work Practice in
Industry,” Social Work, Volume 19, No. 3 (1974), pp. 280-286.
36). T. Wrich, The Employee Assistance Program. (Center City, MN:
Hazelden, 1980). fi
37E.H. Busch, Jr., “Developing an Employee Assistance Program,
Personnel Journal, Volume 60, No. 9 (1981), pp. 708-711.
38D.W. Myers, Establishing and Building Employee Assistance Pro-
grams. (Westport, CT: Quorum Books, 1984).
39National Association of Social Workers, Occupa
Section, Silver Spring, MD.
40|bid.
41|bid.
42\bid. alee
43Jean A. McRae, ‘‘The Workplace Project, unpublished paper
at the Fifth International Conference on Child Abuse and
ontreal, Canada, September, 1984.
tional Social Work
presented
Neglect, M
29
Ethnic Diversity in Social Work Education: Myth or Reality?
by
Andrew Edwards, Ph.D.
A nationwide curriculum survey with primary emphasis on ethnic minority courses and their content was conducted during the spring
of 1978. The aspect of the Survey concerned with the number of such courses, curricular patterns, and demographic data yielded
Startling results. The data suggest that ethnic diversity may be a reality in most social work curricula in schools located in metropolitan
areas with an ethnically diverse population of one million or more people, and in schools located in cities within a 50-mile radius in
such areas. However, ethnic diversity as determined by uniform criteria, may be no more than a myth in schools located in other population
zones. The data are compared with economic and school enrollment trends for the 1980s. Also, projections are made regarding social
consequences of these findings for the future.
igher education systems—including colleges,
universities, and the various professional schools
within a college or university—are now serving a
much more diverse and heterogeneous student popula-
tion than they did one generation ago. Whether one at-
tributes the change to sociological, economic, political,
or other causes, the diversity of the student population
on many college campuses is a reality. Those involved
in social work education must examine whether or not they
are actually including a significant quantity of ethnic
minority content in their curricula to make an impact on
the professional staffing pool, to attract and encourage
more minorities to enter the profession, and to meet the
needs of ethnic minority groups by recognizing cultural
variations among such groups. Curriculum desegregation,
as distinguished from school desegregation, is as follows:
Curriculum desegregation would involve explor-
ing the substance of content and the treatment
of data and knowledge at levels consistent with
the impact of school desegregation...exploring
to what extent instructional materials are reflec-
tive of a desegregated society...exploring to what
extent images are projected in a manner in which
instructional behavior occurs, particularly when
teachers and learners are of different racial-
ethnic identities.
The Council on Social Work Education (CSWE)
established a new accreditation standard in 1973 which
stressed the inclusion of ethnic diversity in the curriculum
by stating that:
... The overriding purpose of the accreditation is
to provide students with the awareness and
knowledge that ours is a pluralistic society and
the implications of this for sensitive and effec-
tive social work intervention.2
In a discussion of the CSWE mandate to implement
racial, ethnic, and cultural diversity in accredited social
work education programs, it has been stated that the
social work profession unfortunately reflects America’s
BLACK CAUCUS
white, middle-class racist values that are not compatible
with or relevant to the needs or lifestyle of the American
Indian. A major portion of this problem is attributable to
the difficulties of translation and transference of those ap-
parently non-negotiable middle-class white and Indian
values. Further it has been suggested that social work
education can be the vehicle to bring the two groups
together.
It has also been suggested that social work education
for the Black community can make use of the Black
perspective to screen knowledge, to understand the Black
family and community, and to develop a methodology and
Strategy for working in the Black community. This could
be achieved by incorporating into the social work cur-
riculum all possible knowledge and action strategies for
building strong Black families and communities, as well
as a complete understanding of those systems that main-
tain the structural inequality in our society.4
Curriculum specialists in recent years have devoted
much time and energy to evaluating ethnic content of the
curricula of schools of social work. With regard to most
ethnic minorities, one of the major problems has been that
the materials used in the educational venture (that is,
books and journal articles) have historically perpetuated
Stereotypes, myths, and racism. However, with regard to
the Asian-American community, the role of literature in
social work education has been unique—the sin of omis-
sion. A review of the social welfare literature, found that
no articles about Asian-Americans or their problems ex-
isted until 1970. The myth that Asian-Americans comprise
a homogeneous model minority ignores the many dif-
ficulties these heterogeneous communities face.®
The cross-cultural and pluralistic perspective in social
work implies a conscious effort to break loose from the
tendency to perceive social work practice exclusively in
terms of one culture, class, or nation. This multi-cultural
perspective is part of an ongoing process of adding new
dimensions to social work practice, and of testing value
assumptions, knowledge, and skills in the context of varied
cultures and socioeconomic systems. It is a means of free-
ing social work practitioners from the limited culture-bound
view of man and society.®
30 Volume 15, 1984-1985
There are two basic methods of desegregating a social
work curriculum. The school, department, or program may
decide to (1) integrate or incorporate ethnic minority con-
tent into all current and future curricular offerings, or (2)
offer specific courses designed to place primary emphasis
on ethnic minorities culture/experience, problems, and/or
related behavioral policy, practice, and research issues.
The first method assumes that if a school, department,
or program establishes such an integration policy, then
the faculty will implement the policy by adding new
materials to their respective courses. However, the real-
ity is that some faculty cannot enrich their courses in such
a way because of their /imited knowledge and expertise
related to ethnic minorities and corresponding profes-
sional concerns. Also, some other faculty will not comply
with such a policy because of their personal value orien-
tation. Therefore, the second method (separate courses)
is the most obvious. and appropriate method of implement-
ing curriculum desegregation.
Survey and Results
During the spring of 1978, a curriculum survey of the
accredited master’s degree level social work programs in
the United States was conducted with primary emphasis
on courses pertaining to ethnic minorities. The objectives
of the study were the following.
1. To ascertain the prevalence of courses pertaining
to ethnic minorities in master’s degree level social
work programs.
2. To compare social work master’s degree level cur-
ricula in social work schools located in large
metropolitan areas with similar curricula in schools
located in other population areas. The purpose of
this comparison was to determine if there was a cor-
relation between the availability and the number of
such courses and the location of the school.
3. To determine if the variety of course offerings on
ethnic minorities (that is, courses offered in various
Curriculum sequence areas) was correlated with the
size of the city in which the school offering the social
work curriculum was located as well as the geo-
graphic proximity of each school to a large metro-
politan area.
4. To investigate instructional patterns related to
courses pertaining to ethnic minorities.
Over 66 percent of the deans and/or directors of the ac-
credited master’s degree level social work programs
responded to the survey. For the purpose of analysis, all
55 schools participating in the survey were assigned to
their corresponding population zone. Zone one included
all schools, departments, and programs in a metropolitan
area of one million or more people. Zone two included
those schools within a 50-mile radius of such areas. Zones
three, four, five, and six radiated outward at 50 mile
intervals.
Of the 55 social work schools represented in the survey,
93 percent had at least one course pertaining to ethnic
minorities. Therefore, one may surmise that such courses
are not uncommon in the accredited master’s degree level
social work curricula.
Fifty-oné (51) of the 55 participating schools reportedly
had courses on ethnic minorities during the period of
study. Several schools had more than one such course.
However, social work schools located in metropolitan
areas of one million or more people and those located
within a 50-mile radius of such areas had a concentration
of courses on ethnic minorities. At least 113 courses on
ethnic minorities were reported. However, 88 of those
courses were part of the curriculum of schools located in
metropolitan areas with one million or more people, or
within a 50-mile radius of such areas. This was statistically
significant when compared with all other population areas
combined. In other words, when schools in large metro-
politan areas and schools within 50 miles of such areas
were excluded, there was a greater probability that the
social work curricula of schools not located in such areas
would not have a course pertaining to ethnic minorities.
To determine the variety of courses on ethnic minorities
available at the schools, the respondents were asked to
categorize such courses into the following general cur-
riculum sequence areas:
Human Behavior
Social Work Practice
Social Policy and Services
Social Work Research
Other
Schools in the large metropolitan areas which had
courses on ethnic minorities had a greater tendency than
did schools in other areas to include courses on Human
Behavior and Social Environment (HBSE) in addition to
a normal distribution of courses on ethnic minorities in the
other sequence areas. Of the 50 HBSE-related ethnic
minority courses identified, 74 percent were in schools
located in metropolitan areas with one million or more peo-
ple. Courses offered by schools in this group, combined
with the courses offered by schools in the adjacent popula-
tion zone (that is, schools located within a 50-mile radius
of metropolitan areas with one million or more people),
accounted for 84 percent of all ethnic minority HBSE-
related courses offered by schools included in this survey.
These combined groups were significantly different at the
0.03 level of probability, in comparison with schools in all
other population zones combined. Thus, when schools in
large metropolitan areas and schools in close proximity
to such areas were excluded, there was a greater proba-
bility that the few courses on ethnic minorities that were
offered by schools in other areas would not have a human
behavior and social environment orientation.
With regard to the frequency with which courses on
ethnic minorities were taught in schools of social work,
the findings of this Survey indicate that schools in large
metropolitan areas and those located within a 50-mile
radius of such areas generally taught such courses on a
more regular basis (that is, at least once every year and
a half) than did schools located in other areas. Schools
in both of these large population zones were significantly
different statistically from schools in all other Outlying
population zones combined. Having courses in catalogs
is not the same as actually offering such courses for stu-
dent learning. If courses on ethnic minorities are not
taught regularly, then the fact that such courses are
available as part of the social work curriculum is irrele-
vant. For this means that the courses on ethnic minorities
exist Only on paper, and that future social work practi-
tioners are not receiving instruction in this important area.
Schools greater than 50 miles away from metropolitan
areas of one million or more people had a greater ten-
dency than did schools in other areas to design their
courses to include content from two or more of the general
sequence areas.
The full-time ethnic minority faculty of schools included
in this survey were concentrated at schools in metropolitan
areas of one million or more people, and at schools
located within a 50-mile radius of such areas. Of the
reported 326 full-time ethnic minority social work
educators, 242 were teaching at institutions in
metropolitan areas with one million or more people. Us-
ing the t-test for independent samples, the large
metropolitan’ area schools were Significantly different.
Schools in those areas, combined with the schools within
a 50-mile radius of such areas, accounted for 262 of the
326 full-time social work ethnic minority educators at
schools included in this Survey. This finding was also
Statistically significant.
Discussion
Even though most accredited master’s degree level
social work programs included in this Survey did have at
least one course on ethnic minorities, true ethnic diversi-
ty cannot be the logical conclusion drawn from the data.
Schools, departments, and programs greater than 50
miles away from metropolitan areas of one million or more
people tended to have such courses listed in their
catalogues, but did not teach them on a regular basis.
When a course is offered at an interval greater than once
every year and a half, one may infer that few students are
offered the opportunity to take the course.
In comparison to schools in large metropolitan areas,
the schools which were more than 50 miles away from
metropolitan areas of at least one million people had fewer
courses on ethnic minorities, less variety when more than
one course was offered, and had a greater tendency to
cross-sequence their only course on ethnic minorities to
make it meet multiple curricular needs. Often, the ethnic
minority content courses offered by schools in Outlying
areas were taught through other departments and were
cross-listed for the social work curriculum. These cur.
ricular patterns suggest that schools in areas greater than
50 miles away from large metropolitan areas treat courses
on ethnic minorities as an adjunct to, rather than an essen-
tial part of, social work education.
lf we accept the premise that variations in the ethnic
and cultural heritage of the instructors are part of the con-
cept of ethnic diversity, then the social work education pro-
grams greater than 50 miles away from large metropolitan
areas were extremely lacking with regard to ethnically
diverse faculties. Team teaching with an interracial team
was more often found at schools in large metropolitan
regions than at schools in other areas. White faculty
teaching an ethnic content course was more often found
at schools in regions greater than 50 miles from a large
metropolitan area than at the schools in other areas.
Conclusion
The findings of this study suggest that a true multi-
ethnic, multi-cultural, heterogeneous master’s degree
level social work education may in reality be rare at
schools located outside a 50-mile radius of metropolitan
areas with one million or more people. Regardless of the
professional areas of practice or clientele served, courses
on ethnic diversity are a necessary component for a
humanistic curriculum. If a school hopes to produce social
work practitioners who can have a humanizing impact on
society in general, then the meaningful inclusion of ethnic
minority content in the curriculum must expand beyond
the schools located in or within 50 miles of metropolitan
areas of one million or more people. Many school ad-
ministrators may react to the findings presented here by
Suggesting that the curricula of their schools are limited
because of the scarcity of ethnic minority faculty available
to teach such courses, and students who might be at-
tracted to social work schools or departments in outlying
areas. Others may say that minority students are a prere-
quisite to developing a multicultural curriculum. However,
such reactions are no more than an academic version of
the old question—“‘which came first, the chicken or the
€g99?”’ If social work educators and school administrators
enter into such a futile debate, then they may postpone
all prospects for curricular change, as well as social
change and effective social work practice with minorities.
As the general economy of the 1980s reflects the
characteristics of a recession, fewer ethnic minorities can
be expected to take the risk of leaving their employment
in order to return to graduate school. Thus, one may
logically expect a trend through the decade of the 1980s
of fewer ethnic minority students enrolled in master’s
degree social work programs. If social work educators and
School administrators are waiting for student pressure
resembling the common practice of the 1960s to initiate
Curricular change, then there may not be a change in
social work curricula reflecting ethnic diversity. The long-
term consequences may be that in the year 2000 our
society will have a preponderance of white social workers
who may have received their degrees from schools which
did not have courses on ethnic minorities. Also, ethnic sen-
sitive practice, culturally specific social work practice, and
the dynamics of ethnic communication and behavior may
be outside the frame of reference of these social work
graduates. Thus, the myth of ethnic diversity in social work
schools in outlying areas—in terms of courses offered and
faculty—may promote subtle institutional racism as a long-
term consequence of their failure to change. Eighteen (18)
of the 55 schools that responded to this survey in 1978
were located in outlying areas. Obviously, all schools in
outlying areas did not participate in the Survey and new
schools have since been accredited. In terms of promoting
ethnic diversity, there are challenging days ahead for
social work education.
Andrew Edwards, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor,
Department of Social Services, Cleveland State Univer-
sity, Cleveland, Ohio.
FOOTNOTES
‘James B. Boyer and Joe L. Boyer, eds., Curriculum and Instruction
After Desegregation: Form, Substance, and Proposals (Manhattan, Kan-
sas: AG Press, 1975), p. 5.
2Council on Social Work Education, Guidelines for Implementation
of Accreditation Standard 1234A (New York: CSWE, 1973), p. 1.
3Charles E. Farris, ‘“The American Indian: Social Work Education’s
Neglected Minority,’’ Journal of Education for Social Work, 11 (2) (1975),
p. 38.
4E. Aracelis Francis, Black Task Force Report: Suggested Guides for
the Integration of Black Content into the Social Work Curriculum (New
York: Council on Social Work Education, 1973), p. 3.
5Bok-Lim C. Kim, “Asian-Americans: No Model Minority,” Social Work,
18 (3) (1973), pp. 44-53.
6Daniel S. Sanders, ‘‘Educating Social Workers for the Role of Ef-
fective Change Agents in a Multi-Cultural, Pluralistic Society,” Journal
of Education for Social Work, 10 (2) (1974), pp. 86-91.
PUBLICATIONS OF INTEREST
Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy.
Hebi gana DC: U.S. Catholic Conference Inc., 1984.
50.
Popularly known as “First Draft of the U.S. Bishop’s
Pastoral letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S.
Economy.” This document was written by a committee
of five bishops headed by Archbishop Rembert G.
Weakland of Milwaukee.
It concludes that the United States has a moral obliga-
tion to ensure that no one in the society is hungry,
homeless, unemployed or otherwise denied what is
necessary to live with dignity. They conclude that wealth
IS SO unevenly distributed in the United States that it does
not meet the ‘‘minimum standards of distributive justice”’
and suggest that there must be a greater transfer of wealth
to the poor.
Barriers to Excellence: Our Children at Risk. Boston: The
National Coalition of Advocates for Students, 1985. $5.50.
162 pp.
A report by a Board of Inquiry in response to the findings
of the 1983 Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational
Reform.
It examines the problems of young people whose learn-
ing is hampered by schools which do not serve them ade-
quately; by expectations of educators that they will not or
cannot succeed; by denial of access to special needs pro-
grams; by fiscal policies which limit educational services:
and by inattention to the difficulties young people face in
making the transition from school to work. The report iden-
tifies two major strategies, discusses the barriers to ex-
cellence for all children and recommends specific actions
required at the local, state and federal levels.
The Philanthropy of Organized Religion. Washington, DC:
Council on Foundations Inc., 1985. XX + 143 pp. $15.00.
A rfationwide survey was conducted on some 27,000 na-
tional and regional religious organizations within Catholic,
Protestant and Jewish groups, their philanthropic activities
(particularly information on their purpose), decisionmak-
ing process, reporting procedures, general guidelines and
focus of their financial contributions. The Study, organized
by the Council on Foundations, was undertaken as one
of three parts of a larger Project to generate a new
understanding of and to encourage collaboration between
religious grantmakers and their counterparts in the philan-
thropic community. The study found that in 1983 religious
contributions at the regional and national levels amounted
to more than $3 billion and an estimated total amount of
more than $7 billion.
34
Fatherhood and Family Policy. Edited by Michael E. Lamb
and Abraham Sage. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates, 1983. 276 pp. $24.95.
This book covers a wide range of research material on
parental involvement in child care, and the effect of this
involvement on children, fathers and mothers.
Labour of Love: Women, Work and Caring. Edited by
Janet Finch and Dulcie Groves. Boston, MA: Routledge
& Kegan Paul, 1983. 182 pp. $8.95 paper.
Written by professionals in Great Britain but relevant to
the United States. The authors point out that community
based services have not kept pace with recent policies
favoring care of the disabled, aged and chronically ill in
the community. Such policies have resulted in increased
pressure on the family to care for its dependent members,
but more so on women who for the most part are the main
and usually the sole source of care in the family.
Color in a White Society. Edited by Barbara W. White.
Silver Spring, MD: NASW, 1984. 135 pp. $13.15.
A collection of eleven papers selected from those
presented at the NASW Color in a White Society Con-
ference emphasizing several themes including the call for
a working agenda to ensure that the needs of the exploited
people of color are not ignored.
U.S. House of Representatives: Committee on Ways and
Means. Children in Poverty. Washington, DC: U.S.
Government Printing Office, 1985. XXV + 670 pp.
A report conducted by the Congressional Research Serv-
ice and the Congressional Budget Office exploring the fac-
tors which influence the rising poverty rate among children
despite increased government expenditures. The report
found that the poverty rate reached 22.2 children per 100
in 1983, the highest level since mid-1960, and that the
number of poor children amounted to 13.8 million, of
whom more than half lived in families headed by women.
Black Pioneers in a White Denomination. Mark D.
gag edame Boston: Beacon Press, 1984. 316 pp.
95.
The author, himself a Black Unitarian minister, examines
the history of the Unitarian Church and its relationship to
Blacks in the U.S.A. by comparing the lives of two Black
Unitarian pioneers, Egbert Ethelred Brown and Lewis
Allen McGee.
Falling Behind: A Report on How Blacks Have Fared
Under the Reagan Policies. Washington, DC: Center on
Budget Priorities, 1984. 19 pp. $2.50.
Its major conclusion is that Blacks in terms of income,
poverty status and unemployment levels are worse off to-
day than they were in 1980 and the economic gap be-
tween Blacks and whites has widened further since 1980.
Healthy People in Unhealthy Places: Stress and Fitness
at Work. Kenneth R. Pelletier. New York: Dela-
corte/Seymour Lawrence, 1985. 225 pp. $8.95.
Well documented health hazards in the workplace and
discussions on stress reactions and stress management.
The Practice of Social Work with Groups: A Systematic
Approach. Ken Heap. Winchester, MA: Allen & Unwin,
1984. 208 pp. $24.95; $9.95 paper.
A basic introduction to the skills, knowledge and values
required for beginning practice with groups. Well orga-
nized, moving in a‘progressive manner through the steps
of working with groups.
Catholic Social Teaching and the United States Economy:
Working Papers for a Bishop’s Pastoral. Edited by John
W. Houck and Oliver F. Williams. Lanham, MD: Univer-
sity Press of America, 1985. 457 pp. $32.50; $13.50 paper.
Papers written by theologians, economists, business ex-
ecutives, public officials and originally delivered at a sym-
posium in December 1983, sponsored by the Center for
Ethics and Religious Values in Business at the Univer-
sity of Notre Dame. These essays became the working
papers for the bishop’s pastoral.
Building Support Networks for the Elderly: Theory and Ap-
plications. David E. Biegel, Barbara K. Shore and
Elizabeth Gordon. CA: Sage, 1984, 158 pp. $9.95.
Concise and comprehensive overview of social networks.
The authors draw heavily on their own research and prac-
tical experiences in producing a useful reference for social
workers, community organizers, program planners and
policy makers.
Minority Report: What Has Happened to Blacks,
Hispanics, American Indians, and Other Minorities in the
Eighties. Edited by Leslie W. Dunbar. New York: Pan-
theon, 1984. 236 pp. $8.95.
Seven essays dealing primarily with urban Blacks and
Hispanics from data of the early 1980s. Some of the data
has been updated, expanding or supplementing many of
the contributors’ earlier views.
Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980.
Charles Murry. New York: Basic Books, 1984. 323 pp.
$23.95.
Through the use of time-series data the author seeks to
Prove that the Great Society’s attack on unemployment,
Poverty and poor education was not successful, resulting
35
only in higher crime rates, lower work force participation,
and dissolution of the nuclear family.
Family Life and School Achievement: Why Poor Black
Children Succeed or Fail. Reginald M. Clark. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1983. XXL + 248 pp. $22.50.
The author's study of ten poor Black families in Chicago
neighborhoods leads him to conclude in part that those
poor Black children who succeed in the wider society are
from families which although poor, are able to teach their
children survival skills and knowledge compatible with
those required in school.
Stable Black Families. Lawrence E. Gary, Lula A. Beatty,
Greta L. Berry, and Mary D. Price. Washington, DC:
Howard University, Institute for Urban Affairs and
Research, 1983. 92 pp. $5.00
A study was conducted to: 1) determine the factors that
contribute to strong Black family life; 2) identify strategies
employed by families in solving problems of living; 3) add
to the knowledge base on stable families; and 4) identify
models of self-help strategies used by stable families.
The most frequent problems mentioned in this study per-
tain to finances, marriage, and children. Seldom did the
respondents seek assistance outside of their families.
They did, however, maintain high interaction with their
relatives, neighbors, and community organizations. The
families themselves viewed their strengths to be family
unity, love, and religion.
Keeping Families Together. New York: Edna McConnel
Clark Foundation. Free.
Troubled families can get help with a new free booklet that
lists programs that offer at home therapy and other
counseling services. Send a self-addressed mailing
label/envelope to the Office of Communications, Edna
McConnel Clark Foundation, 250 Park Avenue, New York,
New York 10017, to obtain a free copy.
Listen to Dolly. Alabama: Kinder-Care Child Care Centers.
Child abuse can be explained to children with the filmstrip,
‘Listen to Dolly.”’ It will be used by the Chain’s 1000
centers throughout the country. The filmstrip Is also
available to local agencies and organizations. For more
information, call 205-277-5090.
Open Family Book Series. Sara Bonnett Stein. New York:
Walker & Company, 1974. Each book, 48 pp. $8.95.
The purpose of the book series is to open between adults
and children the potential for growth that exists for human
beings of all ages. The following is a list of books by Sara
Bonnett Stein: A Hospital Story, About Dying, About Han-
dicaps, Making Babies, and That New Baby.
ee oe
SEARS PS cg Sa RGASL 2c GNESI
FELLOWSHIPS
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTE
Visiting Associate Program
Eligibility:
Open to University and College faculty/administrators who have a commitment to expanding minority par-
ticipation in higher education and will visit the Smithsonian to learn about ongoing research and research
opportunities. The Associates will be asked to serve as resource contacts for a three to five year period.
Financial Data:
Each associate will be paid travel expenses and a per diem of $75.00.
Deadline:
November 1, 1985
January 15, 1986
April 7-13, 1986
Application Deadline
Announcement of Associates
Visiting Academic Associates to Smithsonian Institution
Contact:
Office of Fellowships and Grants
Smithsonian Institution
3300 L’Enfant Plaza
Washington, D.C. 20560
(202) 287-3271
EPILEPSY FOUNDATION OF AMERICA
Clinical Research Fellowships
Eligibility:
Open to individuals who have received their M.D. degree and completed residency training, offers an oppor-
tunity to develop expertise in clinical epilepsy research through a one year training experience and involve-
ment in clinical epilepsy research project.
Financial Data:
$25,000 stipend.
Deadline:
August 30, 1986.
Contact:
EPILEPSY Foundation of America
4351 Garden City Drive, Suite 406
Landover, MD 20785
(301) 459-3700
Research Grants
Eligibility:
Investigators just entering the field of epilepsy research and individuals Proposing innovative projects. One
year research grants are awarded to support basic and clinical research in biological, behavioral and social
sciences which will advance the understanding, treatment and prevention of epilepsy.
Financial Data:
Support limited to $18,000.
36
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a
dline:
Fe ricationa must be received by August 30, 1986.
Contact:
Same as Clinical research fellowships.
MENNINGER FOUNDATION
Pfizer Post-doctoral Fellowships
Dis must be U.S. Citizens or have legally declared their intent to become citizens, have an M.D. .
Appi alent medical degree, have a full time faculty appointment below the level of associate abi an
es pleted at least 3 years of residency training. Fellowships will provide financial support for physicians
who wish to pursue biomedical research in cardiovascular medicine, psychiatry, diabetes, rheumatology and
infectious disease.
Financial Data: .
$30,000 to institution at which fellow will study.
Deadline:
November 1, 1985.
Contact:
Rita Wrobelewski, M.D.
Director, Medical Affairs
Pfizer Pharmaceuticals
235 E 42nd Street
New York, NY 10017
(212) 573-2418
COUNCIL ON SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
Doctoral Fellowships in Social Work for Ethnic Minority Students
: ializing in
There are two types of fellowships: (1) Preparing for Leadership Roles in Mental Health; (2) Specializing
Research Relevant to Ethnic Minorities.
Eligibility: : , Native
“ne must be a member of a minority group underrepresented in the field of panel abl i oar esate
American, Puerto Rican, Black); must be an American citizen, have demonstrated p
must possess a Master’s degree in social work.
Financial Data:
Stipend of $420 monthly.
Deadline:
April 1, with announcement May 15 of every year.
Contact:
Dr. Aracelius Francis
Council on Social Work Education
1744 R Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20009
(202) 667-2300
37
* SOCIETY FOR RESEARCH IN CHILD DEVELOPMENT
1986-87 Congressional Science Fellowships in Child Development
Eligibility:
Open to scientists and professionals at the postdoctoral level, who have an interest in child development and GUIDELINES FOR SUBMITTING ARTICLES TO
Public policy. Fellow serves one year as a congressional staff member. Mid-career applicants encouraged. THE BLACK CAUCUS JOURNAL
os eae bie National Association of Black Social Workers, Inc.
aries according to experience. i
‘ c/o Lawrence E. Gary, Editor
Deadline: Institute for Urban Affairs and Research
Application must be in by November 8, 1985. Appointment begins September 1, 1986. Howard University
Contact 2900 Van Ness Street, N.W.
ontact:
Washington, D.C. 20008
Dr. Barbara Everett, Director ;
Washington Liaison Office ve , :
Society for Research in Child Development fie duadelines for submitting articies 10 ne f 3,500 words
100 North Carolina Avenue, SE, #1 1. The manuscript should be between 8-14 double-spaced typewritten pages, maximum of 3,
Washington, D.C. 20003 :
(202) moses ted The manuscript should be typed on standard bond paper.
You should submit an original and three carbon copies.
ETHIOPIAN FAMINE RELIEF
You should write an abstract of 75 words or less.
You should write a short biographical sketch.
in
If footnotes and references are to be included, they should be double-spaced SP sheets following
the end of the article. They should also conform to the Kate Turabian manual style.
Dak oO LD
These agencies accepting money to provide food for victims of the Ethiopian famine ask that the sender mark on
the envelope that the aid is specifically for Ethiopian famine relief.
ie esti | 1, 1985.
7. Deadline for submitting articles for publication consideration in the Spring 1986 issue is December 3
‘ : i,
* CATHOLIC RELIEF SERVICES e AFRICARE The following criteria are used in selecting articles for the Black Caucus Journa
1011 First Avenue 1601 Connecticut Avenue a me :
New York, NY 10022 Washington, D.C. 20009 |. Policies of the Editorial Board;
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39
ieee oo acerca
The Black Catuc
Social Workers
cultural, psycho!
perienced in the
Association of Black Social Workers, Inc., reserves the right to select and
ticles which generally reflect its goals, objectives, and philosophy as these
The National
publish those ar
have been stated
body shall have
Caucus Journal
Inc., and ma
Manuscripts
submitted in three
“parate sheets at the end of the article. An abstract of 75 words and a brief
s«stch should accompany the manuscript. A stamped, self-addressed envelope
be typed on
biographic:
must be e:
members <«
Manuscripis <¢
E. Gary, Editor,
Street, N.W.., '
C/o Publicat:
Opinior:s ¢
tion of the |
See nem ose
Editorial Statement
us Journal is the forum through which the National Association of Black
c., speaks to a wide range of social welfare, economic, social work, political,
ogical, and programmatic issues as these elements impact on or are ex-
collective Black community in America and throughout the world.
n the organization’s Constitution and By-Laws. NABSW, Inc. or its delegated
sole discretion over the selection of articles to be published in the Black
“Material submitted to the Journal shall become the property of NABSW,
nay not be returned to the author at the discretion of the editor.
‘ ould be a maximum of 3,500 words, typewritten and double-spaced, and
sopies, one of which must be an original typewritten copy. Footnotes should
‘ for articles to be returned. Manuscripts are reviewed by at least three
. Editorial Board, with the names of the authors remaining anonymous.
' ©Orrespondence should be sent to BLACK CAUCUS JOURNAL, Lawrence
nstitute for Urban Affairs and Research, Howard University, 2900 Van Ness
‘vashington, D.C. 20008, or National Association of Black Social Workers, Inc.,
’ Chairman, 271 West 125th Street, Suite 317, New York, New York 10027.
‘essed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official posi-
“..onal Association of Black Social Workers, Inc.
Other NABSW Publicati«
Sixth Annual Conference F
Theme: “Survival and £
held in Los Angeles, April 1974
Seventh Annual Conference Proc
Theme: “Promises of Power—Actual
held in Detroi . a
Eighth Annual Confer
Das
Theme: Black America: Reawake
held in Baltimore
Ninth Annual Conference Proceedinas
Theme: “Strategies for Liber 1: Review to |
nor
held in New Orleans, April 1977
2 ‘
rienev
Tenth Annual Conference Proceeding:
Theme: “Silhouettes of Past Promises—-Definitions of Future Fac
held in San Francisco, April 1978
leventh Annual Conference Proceedings
Theme: “Our Second Decade: Continued Struc
gie fo}
held in St. Louis, Aprii 1979
Twelfth Annual Conference Proceedings
Theme: “Developing An Action Pian: Social, Political and Economic
Direction for the Black Community”
held in Washington, D.C., April 1980
Thirteenth Annual Conference Proceedings
Theme: “Strength in Unity: Developing the African-American Community’
held in Atianta, April 1981
Fourteenth Annual Conference Proceedings
Theme: “Building the African-American Community Through the Effective Use of
Resources: Our Mission for the 80’s”’
held in Chicago, April 1982
Fifteenth Annual Conference Proceedings
Theme: “Fortifying African-American Networks’’
held in Miami, April 1983
Sixteenth Annual Conference Proceedings
Theme: Private Troubles/Public Issues: Advocating for
Social, Political and Economic Change”’
held in Detroit, April 1984
For more information contact:
NABSW
271 West 125th Street, Suite 317
New York, New York 10027
(212) 749-0470
