THE ORGANIZER
publication of the National Alliance Against Racist & Political Repression | * po
VOLUME X NO. 2
FREEDOM IS ACONSTANT STRUGGLE = —™
NAARPR: A Powerful Peoples Movement
for The Next Decade
ae
Ten years ago, following the acquittal of
Angela Davis in California on trumped-up
charges of murder, kidnap, and conspiracy,
. the National Alliance was born. It was born
— in a spirit of optimism, determination and
| experience.
The optimism came from our victory in
freeing Angela. A well-known television per-
sonality interviewing Angela after the verdict
asked, “‘doesn’t your acquittal prove the sys-
tem works?’’ Her answer was, “If the system
worked, | never would have been charged.”
It was a people’s movement which freed An-
gela, despite “the system,” and our optim-
ism was based on the knowledge that
through organization we could defend and
protect ourselves from racist and political
repression.
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Our determination and experience toldeus
that Angela would not be the last. She was a
JOHNNY IMANI HARRIS, Prisoners Rights Leader. Demand Bs ‘ MAYOR EDDIE CARTHAN, Black Elected Official Under
Alabama Atty. Gen. Charles Graddick Drop the Charges! (see target of a political system which cannot Attack. Demand Reagan Grant Executive Clemency. (see
story page 6 ). brook challenge and resorts to the most vio- story page 5 ).
lent, vicious and unjust forms of retaliation.
Only tenacity and organization prevented
her death and/or lifetime imprisonment. But
she was only one target and we knew there
were others; would be many others.
Because we knew from our experiences
that when people are determined to make a
better life, they must struggle and try to
change the conditions which oppress them.
A political system like ours, permeated with
racist practices, presumptions, and class ine-
quities, cannot tolerate change. But those
suffering will not tolerate continued depri-
vation.
So it was clear that the vast network of
people, the rich experience we gained in
Angela’s defense, must not be allowed to
dissipate. To put those skills to use and to
put them at the disposal of all those who
would come to need them, the Alliance was
LEONARD PELTIER, AIM Leader. Demand Federal Courts DOFN. It was a proud, exhilarating and sober- _ DAVID TRUONG, Vice Chair, NAARPR, Write Reagan
Grant Habeas Corpus. (see story page 3). ing moment. oe «a 2 and Parole Comm. (see ately page 4.)
- .
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1973 - 1983: 10 Years of Unity + Struggle + Organization = = VICTORI ES ‘i
Alliance & Other Rights Orgs. Unite To Stop Racist Police
Our Alliance program first and foremost pledges this organization to defend peoples’
right to organize. This task calls upon our branches to pull organizations together to defend
communities against repressive assaults. But it also calls upon our Alliance to defend
organizations which come under attack while pursueing their goals.
The Chicago, Denver and Tampa police crime articles that follow focus on the Alliance
program in action, defending the peoples’ right to organize.
The Chicago branch immediately went
to the defense of the democratic right to
vote, when it was learned that the police in
that city planned to place officers in stra-
tegic places in the Black community on
election day. Further, plans were made to
arrest people in the Black and Latin com-
munity and hold them in jail until Wednes-
day, after the election.
The branch issued 1000’s of leaflets, in-
forming people of their rights if arrested
as well as numbers to call to obtain legal
assistance. Further, it called upon the com-
munity to protest to the U.S. Attorney that
voting rights are being violated by these
provocative actions.
The Alliance, PUSH and members of
the Washington Campaign alerted the
community almost overnight. Calls flooded
the offices of the U.S. Attorney; and the
next day the police publicly said they
would not put these schemes into effect.
While there has never been a time when
the Chicano, Black, and Native American
communities of Denver have not been sub-
jected to racism and abuse on the part of po-
lice, within the last few years the situation
has dramatically worsened. However, the
anger and frustration of the people of
Denver, particularly its minority communi-
ties, toward the police has not been limited
to police abuse and racism, for not only have
the police become increasingly brutal and
racist, they have provided little or no protec-
tion for those communities against the vio-
lent and property crime that victimizes them
far more than other communities.
Though these issues have been addressed
by a number of well-meaning community
groups and ad hoc organizations over the
years, the response from the police has been
more of the same. In conversations with a
broad range of community activists and oth-
ers it became abundantly clear that what was
needed was an ongoing organization whose
sole purpose was to organize around the is-
sues of racism and repression, and which
could therefore wage a more effective strug-
gle, in conjunction with other established or-
ganizations, against police racism and abuse.
The visit to Denver and Greeley by na-
tional Co-Chair Angela Davis on February 21
could not have come at a more opportune
time. Her meeting with a group of Denver
activists provided a superb catalyst for the
formation of a Denver branch of the NAA-
RPR. While we have no illusions about the
difficulties that lie ahead, we have every rea-
son to be confident that our Denver branch
will soon be a considerable force to be reck-
oned with in the struggle for democracy, and
against racism and repression in Denver and
Colorado. :
Angela Davis addressed U. of No. Co. after organizing
workshop to form new Alliance branch in
Denver — 2/83
A small but important gain was made re-
cently in reducing police surveillance of law-
ful demonstrations in Tampa.
On the Saturday before the November,
1982 elections, a Nuclear Freeze and Dis-
armament Rally was held outside the main
gate of MacDill Air Force Base. The three
sponsoring groups—the Tampa Coalition for
Survival, the American Friends Service Com-
mittee, and ACORN (Association of Com-
munity Organizations for Reform Now)—
were joined by representatives of the Wom-
en’s International League for Peace and
Freedom, several unions, and church and
community groups forming a 200-person
protest.
During the rally protesters and media
representatives noticed a plain clothes police
officer, camera in hand, asking the names of
individual demonstrators. The local NBC-TV
affiliate and radio station WMNF found the
officer less than informative, although he did
acknowledge he was from the Intelligence
Division of the Tampa Police. Both stations
followed up on the story to see how exten-
sive police surveillance of constitutionally
guaranteed protest had become.
Those being watched included the _@
Farm Workers (AFL-CIO) and, at the
quest of the Secret Service, the National
Organization for Women.
The NAARPR responded by urging peace
organizations to join in a combined protest
to the Tampa Police Department, calling for
an end to the watching. A December delega-
tion representing the NAARPR, the AFSC
and the Coalition for Survival met with po-
lice representatives.
The police answer, which came in Janu-
ary in response to questions posed by Chan-
nel 8 and WMNF reporters, was that plain
clothes police officers would not be present
under normal circumstances at peace move-
ment events, unless requested. However, the
department would decide when circumstan-
ces were normal.
As the NAARPR Branch told the press,
it was only a move in the right direction.
WELCOME!
10th Anniversary Conference Participants
May 13 - 15, 1983 — Chicago, Illinois
Your Presence Is Testimony —
UNITED, WE CAN FIGHT BACK & WIN!
eee aa
LEONARD PELTIER
a Indian Movement leader
~ Leonard Peltier, convicted in 1977 of kill-
ing two FBI agents on the Pine Ridge Reser-
vation in Oglala, South Dakota, is currently
serving two consecutive life sentences at
_ Marion Federal Prison. Peltier has taken his
_ fight for a new trial to the 8th Circuit Court
_ of Appeals in St. Louis.
— Peltier’s attorneys have obtained docu-
~ ments through the Freedom of Information
- Act (FOIA) that prove the FBI and govern-
ment prosecutors presented false evidence
at the original trial and misled the judge out
of court. Peltier is demanding that Judge
Paul Benson disqualify himself from any
Milwaukee Trial —Leonard Peltier — 1979
further participation in the proceedings be-
cause Benson met with the FBI and federal
prosecutors prior to the start of his trial.
Besides Peltier, there were three other
-codefendants. Two codefendants were ac-
quitted of identical charges because they
had acted in self-defense. The government
dropped the charges against a fourth co-
‘defendant in order to plan strategy to make
that the same thing didn’t happen in
tier’s trial as happened in the first trial.
The murder of a Native American Indian in
the same incident in June 1975 has never
been investigated. __
FOIA documents revealed that the FBI
did a summary report to ascertain why the
=
original codefendants had been acquitted.
According to the report, one reason for the
acquittal was that the trial judge prohibited
the government from introducing certain
alleged incriminating evidence. It was also
stated that the trial judge ‘continually
overruled government objections and al-
lowed irrelevant evidence.” The original
trial judge, Edward McManus, was pre-
pared to try Peltier but the FBI wanted a
friendly judge.
Then Judge Paul Benson was assigned
the case by some process unknown to Pel-
tier or his attorneys. Judge Benson made
none of McManus’s ‘errors’ during Peltier’s
Expose FBI/Judicial Collusion
trial. Instead, he refused to allow a key
prosecution witness, Myrtle Poor Bear, to
relate the intimidation she suffered at the
hands of the FBI. The FBI portrayed AIM as
a dangerous organization threatening to
kill Judge Benson and prosecution wit-
nesses. Judge Benson sent a personal mes-
sage to the FBI, instructing them to conduct
a technical security survey in the court-
room and judge’s chambers.
It is precisely this type of FBI tampering
which the Attorney General, through his
_
new FBI guidelines, condones. These
guidelines encourage the use of informants
who are often victims of FBI harrassment
and violence; undercover operations; un-
disclosed participation in an organization,
often to steer the organization to violence;
electronic surveillance; searches and sei-
zures; and interference with trials without
notice.
Given the above, it is clear from the na-
ture of this frame-up that only a political
solution is possible in this case. Whatever
legal victory won will be the result of the
political struggle, and for this reason we are
asking people to write to President Reagan,
as well as the 8th Circuit Court. The Eighth
Circuit Court is one of the most racist cir-
cuit courts in this country, with one of the
worst civil rights records; indeed, the U.S.
Supreme Court has had to over-rule them
in almost every civil rights matter upon
which they have ruled.
Write President Reagan (White House,
Washington, D.C. 20500) demanding he |
grant Peltier executive clemency and free __
him; Attorney General William French
Smith (U.S. Justice Department, Washing-
ton, D.C. 20530) demanding the govern- __
ment support Peltier’s motion for anew
trial; and the Eighth U.S. Circuit Court of |
Appeals (1114 Market, St. Louis, Missouri
63101) demanding Peltier’s motion for an
evidentiary hearing on his writ of habeous
corpus be granted.
RIA PETER RELAY OPER LA GNI, SRE ELA YB a CNA RON RN AS 8 UE TRE
eee.
MITCHELL/WELCH
The Charlene Mitchell/Mike Welch con-
fictions on trumped-up charges of public
Jrunkenness and resisting an officer are part
»f a conspiracy to tie up the Alliance’s lea-
Jership and to taint the reputation of this
yrganization. That the authorities are stoop-
ng to such dirty tricks once again is merely
ndicative of the dissatisfaction of millions
vith the current economic and social injus-
‘ices.
On February 1, 1982, Mitchell and Welch
vere viciously and brutally dragged off an
AMTRAK train at Gainesville, Georgia, a
‘own where less than 10% of the population
s Black. Mitchell suffered bruises and Welch
veeded surgery for his wounds. The NAA-
RPR has organized the fight against their
infair conviction.
The NAARPR Executive Board extended
its deepest gratitude to members of the Leg-
al Support Committee, Attorneys Adjoa
Aiyetoro, Sentwali Aiyetoro, Marshall Per-
in, Steve Paganuzzi, Jeff Schwartz, Linda
Stanch, and Charles Thornton, as well as the
volunteer support staff for the excellent
work (all of which was pro bono) done on
the appeal of the Mitchell/Welch conviction.
Lead counsel Marshall Perlin argued the ap-
peal before the Georgia Court of Appeals on
March 29, 1983.
OAS
Ct. of Appeals Ducks
Constitutional Issues
In April, a partial people’s victory was
achieved. Responding to extensive publicity
on this case and numerous letters written
questioning the verdict in light of the unjust
nature of the trial, the Court of Appeals felt
obliged to resist rejecting the appeal out-
right. Instead, the Court called upon the
Georgia Supreme Court to rule on the cons-
titutional questions raised.
Mitchell and Welch are challenging the
Gainesville conviction on the grounds that,
as civil rights leaders and as an interracial
couple, they were tried with prejudice and
without due process of law, in an atmos-
phere of racism and intimidation.
Mitchell and Welch are suing the National
Railway Passenger Corporation and South-
ern Railway Systems for a total of two mil-
lion dollars and also for the cost of the ac-
tion: one million in compensatory damages
and one million in punitive damages.
Attacks such as this on civil rights leaders
are a warning of what the forces of reaction
in our present government will do to stop
the legitimate protest of the people. We ask
all justice-loving people to join us in protest
of these gross human rights violations of the
right to interstate travel without fear of offi-
cially inspired racist violence.
Write: Solicitor Hulon Murray (State
Court of Hall County, Gainesville, Georgia
30503) demanding he join the defense ap-
peal before the Georgia Supreme Court to
overturn the conviction.
Write: AMTRAK (Executive Offices, 400
North Capitol St., Washington, DC 20001)
demanding they drop the charges and join
the appeal for overturning the conviction.
ae a
DAVID TRUONG
David Truong’s case has been sent back
to the U.S. Parole Commission for a new
hearing, which is expected to be held in
June.
Earlier this year, the Commission,
which joins in the continuing vendetta
against this Vietnamese activist, had de-
cided that David must serve 8 years of his
sentence before he would be eligible for
parole. In its recommendation to the Com-
mission the FBI accused David Truong of
being a greater threat to national security
than the prosecution had claimed in his
trial and intimated that he had threatened
Deacon Alexander,
Pete Seeger, Angela
Davis and Frank
Chapman join
Gainesville
- protesters at
_ Mitchell / Welch
frame-up trial. 3/82
the safety of informant Dung Krall—acts
which allegedly happened in 1978 but
were never told to Truong and his lawyers.
The Parole Commission almost admits the
Racist, Vindictive Lega
of Vietnam War
case is a political one, as it finds no solid
reason for keeping Truong in prison; in-
stead, it uses the ‘‘national security’’ pre-
text to cover up this injustice and political
vendetta.
The Review Commission of the Parole
Commission examined the above decision,
in light of the protest from Truong and his
attorneys that his right to due process of
law had been violated with the presenta-
tion of so-called ‘‘“evidence’’ never made
available to him or his attorneys. The Re-
view Commission has ordered the entire
Parole Commission to consider the ques-
tion again.
Urgent! Write U.S. Parole Commission
(Department of Justice, WDC 20537) de-
manding David Truong be granted imme-
diate parole.
Now doing his second year at the Fed-
eral medium-security prison of Ray Brook,
New York—better known as the Olympic
Village prison—David Truong has remain
strong and busy in his termination
seek an early release and eventually a re-
versal of his conviction.
The Truong case stands out as the model
application of the standards used by
the FBI and CIA in framing up activists in
the 1980's. Reagan’s series of Executive
Orders on classification of information, the
expansion of powers for the CIA and FBI,
and the recent loosening of the operating
guidelines for the FBI make it even more
necessary that we win the fight for David’s
freedom and vindication. Congressional
documents show that the Truong case has
set a precedent for going after activists on
Ireland, on Central America, and perhaps
on the Middle East, Southern Africa libera-
tion and for a nuclear freeze. The issues
involved are exactly the same. David
Truong was an active opponent of U.S.
policy in Vietnam for many years.
David Truong’s prison conditions have
worsened with overcrowding, unsafe liv-
ing environment. The initial purpose of
“warehousing” him in such a distant and
cold place was to isolate him physically and
politically; given all the friends who have
visited him from all over the U.S. a
abroad, this attempt has failed.
Write President Reagan (White House,
WDC 20500) demanding he use the power
of his office to end the persecution of
David Truong.
i I a RRR gs Ce, ae ll
Se See
MAYOR EDDIE CARTHAN
The Reagan administration is preparing
a a new attack on Mayor Eddie
s Carthan, in order to continue to deny
his release on bail. It is now necessary for
an all-out effort demanding immediate bail.
RE i:
New Attack
It was first announced by the U.S. Attor-
ney’s office that they expected to bring
Carthan to trial on May 1, 1983, on charges
they refused to specify over the telephone.
The Alliance has since found out that the
charge is fraud concerning a food distribu-
ion program in several counties in South-
ern Mississippi. According to the U.S. At-
torney in Jackson, MS, George Philips, the
rial has been indefinitely postponed.
The indictment is obviously false. It was
iled in October, 1980 and only now are
he U.S. Attorneys talking of bringing it
O trial, indicating the spurious nature of
he charge. If there was any evidence of
arthan’s guilt, why wasn’t the case pur-
sued in the three years since its inception?
President Reagan must be made to feel
he sting of mass pressure now at this cru-
ial juncture in Mayor Eddie Carthan’s
t for justice. The fact that charges spring
Muriously from the Mississippi and the
ederal prosecutor’s offices whenever Car-
han becomes eligible for bail indicates
Nat their true interest is not bringing justice
o light but rather keeping Carthan in jail.
NAARPR organized delegations, led by
AARPR_ Executive Director Charlene
itchell and representing scores of organi-
ations and thousands of individuals, have
equested appointments with President
eagan and Mississippi Governor William
inter. The delegations will present Rea-
an and Winter with resolutions and peti-
ons demanding Mayor Carthan’s complete
xoneration, freedom and a pardon of in-
ocence. Among the organizations and in-
ividuals supporting these demands are
hicago Mayor Harold Washington; Na-
onal Conference of Black Mayors; Berke-
py, California Mayor Eugene ‘Gus’ New-
ort; Coalition of Black Trade Unionists;
ational Council of Churches; United
ransportation Union; Philip Oke, Repre-
Pntative of the Christian Peace Conference
the United Nations; Oakland, Los Ange-
s, and Detroit City Councils; Congress-
ven Ron Dellums and George Crockett:
ional Bar Association; American Fed-
ation of State, County and Municipal Em-
oyees; New York State Black and Puerto
can Legislative Caucus; International
pngshore and Warehouseman’s Union;
National Congress of American Indians;
United Public Employees Local 390-400;
and many more.
Re ee ae
Partial Victories
In a partial victory, Governor Winter
has indefinitely suspended Carthan’s state
sentence on false simple assault charges
and released him from the ‘hell-hole’”’ of
Parchman State Penitentiary. Carthan’s life
was in danger in that prison, renowned for
its brutalities, so this is a very important
victory. Eddie Carthan is now held in Max-
well Air Force Base Prison Camp, near
Montgomery, Alabama on a trumped-up
federal fraud sentence.
This partial victory proves the truth of
the Alliance formula for action: UNITY +
ORGANIZATION + STRUGGLE = VIC-
TORIES. Yet we must fight on because with
each new victory comes a new attack. The
State of Mississippi, in collusion with the
Reagan administration, was trying to take
Carthan’s life. This was part of an ongoing
national effort to disenfranchise Black and
Local 420/AFSCME members
members at October 19th Rally — 1982
Act, and drive progressive Black elected
officials out of office. Mayor Carthan’s case
is just one horrendous example of this ef-
fort. The racist attacks against Harold
Washington’s Chicago mayoral candidacy
and against Congressman Ron Dellums are
others.
The Alliance put ten years experience
to use in organizing a nationally coordi-
nated fight for justice in the Carthan case.
Activities included the national petition
Campaign, which in an intense 4-week
drive brought in over 10,000 signatures:
the Freedom Tour, where Alliance Co-
chair Angela Davis and Mayor Eddie Car-
than visited Chicago, Detroit, Louisville,
Birmingham, and Washington D.C. publi-
cizing Carthan’s struggle through mass ral-
lys, meetings with elected officials, and
media interviews: the National Day of Pro-
test Against Legal Lynching in the South,
with protest demonstrations and delega-
tions to the U.S. Attorney’s offices in 27
5
join N.Y.Alliance
cities nationally; letter writing campaigns
and phone-a-thons; and more.
The result was victories: Carthan found
innocent of murder; Carthan’s state sen-
tence on simple assault charges suspended;
Carthan’s removal from the life-threatening
Parchman Penitentiary.
Carthan is now eligible for bail because
his federal fraud conviction is being ap-
pealed. To forestall his release the govern-
ment plans yet another attack, resurrecting
baseless, outdated charges.
Berkeley Mayor ‘Gus’ Newport, Angela Davis, S.F.
Supervisor Harry Britt and Geraldine Johnson (CBTU)
with press at Bay Area October 19th Rally— 1982
Write U.S. District Judge Walter Nixon
(U.S. District Court, Biloxi MS 39533) de-
manding immediate bail for Mayor Eddie
Carthan. Write President Reagan (White
House, Washington, D.C., 20500) de-
manding that he grant executive clemency
and free Carthan in the federal case charg-
ing him with fraud; U.S. Supreme Court
(Chief Justice Warren Burger, 1 First St.
N.E., Washington D.C., 20543) demand-
ing that, in view of the very serious con-
stitutional violations involved in this case,
they grant the petition for writ of certi-
orari; U.S. Attorney William French Smith
(Department of Justice, Washington D.C.,
20537) demanding that all pending charges
be dropped for lack of evidence; and Gov-
ernor William Winter (New State Capitol,
400 High Street, Jackson, Mississippi
39202) demanding that he fully exonerate
Carthan in the case charging him with sim-
ple assault by issuing him a pardon of
innocence.
Pe ae Se ee ee:
JOHNNY IMANI HARRIS
Johnny Imani Harris, the young Black
man who has been on Death Row in Alaba-
ma since 1974 for a crime he did not com-
mit, has won a new trial, scheduled for July
18 in Bay Minette, Alabama.
Attorney William Allison, who is one of
Imani’s attorneys, met with the National
Board of the Alliance in February to give
current information on this, an Alliance pri-
ority case.
It was the Board’s assessment that this is
a case that can be won at the retrial level—if
national attention is focussed on it. All our
experience teaches us that the spotlight of
public opinion makes it more likely that jud-
ges and juries will be fair.
Harris’s trouble started when his family
moved into an all-white Birmingham neigh-
borhood and was harassed by Klansmen.
When they refused to move, police charged
Harris with four robberies and rape of a
white woman. He said he was innocent, but
his court-appointed lawyers never brought
his alibi witnesses to court and told him the
jury would not take his word over that of a
white woman.
He pled guilty to one robbery count to
avoid the death penalty—and got five life
sentences. Sent to Alabama’s notorious
Atmore-Holman Prison, Harris became the
scapegoat when prisoners organized against
inhumane conditions in 1974. Warden Mar-
ion B. Harding ordered an armed attack on
the prisoners, and a guard was stabbed to
death. Harris was charged with murder, con-
victed by an all-white jury, and sentenced to
death.
SA oe Re
Wins New Trial
The new trial was ordered after a former
white prisoner testified that he saw the 1974
events, that Imani did not kill the guard, and
that he saw the warden personally stab to
death the leader of the prisoners’ organiz-
ation.
There can be no doubt that the ease of
Harris’s original conviction is directly re-
lated to the deliberate flaunting of the Vot-
ing Rights Act in the State of Alabama. An
enforced VRA would ensure the enrollment
of Black voters and begin to prevent the
selection of all-white juries. This fact is
especially relevant with the approach of
the July trial, for at this time it is highly
likely that another all-white jury will be
selected to try Johnny Imani Harris. Resi-
ents in Bay Minette who feel their right to
ote has been abridged and that the Voting
Rights Act has been ignored, are urged to
file a complaint with the U.S. Attorney’s
office, in writing. Once this notification has
been filed—and it need not be formal; a
letter to the U.S. Attorney will do—it will
be possible to mount a campaign calling
for the enforcement of the Voting Rights
Act in this city.
The Alliance will soon distribute new lit-
erature on this case and mount a “‘people-
gram’’ campaign to Alabama officials. Mean-
time, we urge our friends to write Alabama
Attorney General Charles Graddick, Mont-
gomery, Ala., demanding that the murder
charge against Harris be dropped and that
charges be brought against Warden Harding.
If the charges are not dropped, we will be
working to get large numbers of observers to
the trial in Bay Minette (which is near Mo-
bile) on July 18. Mark your calendar now.
i)
NAARPR:
A Powerful Peoples
Movement
for
The Next Decade
ss arr it! 0 Ce aa ae
Over the ten years of our existence, the
Alliance has struggled to survive and has con-
tinued while many other organizations and
movements collapsed or disappeared. The
task has been heartbreaking and backbreak-
ing at times. We are an organization of poor,
of working class people, and as the economic
Climate deteriorated, there was less and less
money around to support ‘‘causes.’’ But we
are more than simply another cause for
those who turn to the Alliance for help. And
somehow we have scraped through.
We will endure because there’s work to be
done. We have trained a generation of acti-
vists and community people in the necessary
skills to build the committees, legal defenses
and public demonstrations needed to fight
racist and political repression. We have
fought the Ku Klux Klan and were among
the first to call for its banning. We took on
the state of North Carolina and all its vast,
corrupt and corporate structures to defend
the Wilmington 10. We brought the battle of
Eddie Carthan to the whole country and are
part of an ever-growing movement to protect
and to free him.
After ten years we are still here, with op-
timism, determination and experience. The
problems may seem to be greater, but we are
ten years older and stronger. We keep learn-
ing, growing, and continuing. As long as
there’s work to be done, we’ll be here.
continued from page 1
Anti-KKK/Nazi Tae
Bay Area, Ca.
The execution-style murder in Oroville,
CA., of a 17-year-old white youth, Joe
Hoover, by self-proclaimed Nazi Perry
Warthan was portrayed in California and
the nation as an aberration, albeit a horri-
ble one. However, the Bay Area Alliance
quotes from the Brown Report to prove this
is dangerously close to the norm.
While Governor, Brown appointed a
Task Force on Civil Rights to study racial,
ethnic and religious violence in the state of
California. The report, covering findings
through 1981, was released ‘‘preliminar-
ily’’ in December of 1982, but only to those
who were resource people for the Task
Force. It is clear that the Deukmejian Ad-
ministration wants to bury this report,
Which states that there is no significant
part of the State without consistent racial
violence and without ongoing Klan activity.
When the Bay Area Branch called
an Organizing Conference in March,
strengthening of their Anti-Klan/Nazi
Other Hate Groups Task Force was given
major attention. It was attended by over 40
people, who represented teachers, trade
unions, students, community leaders Bruce
Haldane [a member of the Berkeley Police
Review Board who will attend the 10th
Anniversary Conference to participate in
the workshop on the need for Police Con-
trol Boards] and Bill Tamayo [Asian Law
Caucus] as well as the National Confer-
ence of Black Lawyers, the Black American
Law Students Association and the Women’s
International League for Peace and Free-
dom. Co-chair Angela Davis and Associate
Director Frank Chapman addressed and
participated in the Conference throughout
the day.
The Conference went to the heart of the
problem in dealing with hate groups, and
devised a strategy to outlaw them. The
proposals include drafting model legisla-
tion* to present to a legislator to introduce as
a Bill in the Fall of 1983. In tandem with the
introduction of the bill, the Alliance is or-
ganizing state-wide hearings into the vio-
lence revealed in the report, to build sup-
port for passage. The Conference "@
pants emphasized that the law must ci
tain strict enforcement provisions, with the
creation of a special prosecutor to handle
the Klan. They demand the problem be
treated with the seriousness of organized
crime—which indeed it is at this time.
“Available at 10th Anniversarv Conterence.
BEFORE THE 98th CONGRESS:
amit Ria A aan S
President Reagan’s new Comprehensive
e Control Act of 1983 (HR 2151) con-
16 items of bad criminal code. These
include Bail Reform (preventive detention),
Mandatory Sentencing, Trying Juveniles as
Adults, Insanity Defense, Reinstitution of
Capital Punishment, the new crime of Solici-
tation (to commit a crime of violence), Ex-
tradition, and forfeiture of office for Union
Officials committing an offence.
With an early start in Congress this year,
the Simpson/Mazzoli Immigration Reform &
Control Act, S-529 and HR-1510, could
reach the floors of both houses. Strong op-
position is needed. Civil liberties and due
process rights are threatened. Some effects
of the bill:
* Racism intensified: To avoid being
penalized, employers would not hire any-
one who “‘looked foreign,’’ especially His-
panic peoples, and this could impact on
minority employment in general.
* Surveillance. Mimicking South African
pass laws, it would establish a national ID
card system for workers. Undocumented
workers would be subject to arrest and de-
portation, and documented workers would
become prey to harassment and blacklists.
2) It cuts benefits of qualifying residents
2 to 6 years and reduces the number of
immigrants permitted to enter the U.S.
legally.
* It goes against international treaties
signed by the U.S. Mass deportations are
not the answer. Granting legalization to all
undocumented workers is the best solu-
tion.
Retreads of anti-abortion bills have been
reintroduced in the 98th Congress. Henry
Hyde’s (R.—Ill.) anti-abortion bill HR-618
and the Jepsen (R.—lowa), Denton (R.—
Ala.), East (R.—N.C.) bill in the Senate, S-
467, holds fast to the same old theory that
life begins at conception. Senator Hatch is
holding hearings on a constitutional amend-
ment to repeal Roe v Wade (the 1973 Su-
preme Court decision that found the Texas
Criminal abortion statute proscribing all
abortions except to save the life of the
mother, unconstitutional). HR 618 would
encourage states to pass anti-abortion legis-
lation, flood the Supreme Court with new
abortion cases, and push the Supreme Court
to overturn Roe v Wade.
A “Dangerous Persons” list is being pro-
& by the Secret Service. It would put
re information about people considered
“potentially dangerous” to the President and
others into the FBI National Crime Informa-
tion Center (NCIC) computer data bank to
Blue Print for a Police State
keep track of their whereabouts. This insert-
ing of the names of people considered dan-
gerous, but not wanted for the commission
of any crime, would be a radical change
from the current use of NCIC, creating a
nationwide tracking system. It could bring
about police harassment, arrest, adverse bail
and sentencing and even denial of employ-
ment to innocent people. Rep. Don Edwards
(D.—Calif.) wants legislation to define “‘dan-
gerousness” and to stop the Secret Service
from using NCIC to circulate sensitive and
intelligence information on persons under its
scrutiny. (J. Edgar Hoover used NCIC to
track civil rights and anti-war activists.) Ed-
wards has already begun hearings on this
proposal.
Putting a chill on “political advocacy,”
the Reagan administration proposes new re-
gulations to prohibit non-profit organiza-
tions receiving federal contracts or grants
from engaging in “political advocacy” of any
kind. OMB Circular A-122 is a vast extension
of the current rule forbidding use of federal
funds for lobby purposes. The rule implies
that if there is any political advocacy within
an organization, there must be two separate
staffs and locations with different directors,
sets of equipment and offices. It is an attack
on First Amendment rights of non-profit or-
ganizations. Its purpose is to limit speech on
political content. The definition of “politi-
cal advocacy”’ is extremely vague and could
be applied arbitrarily. The proposal has crea-
ted a major controversy in Congress. The un-
constitutionality of this proposal must be
exposed dramatically in order to block its
implementation.
We must be on guard and pressure our
elected representatives in Washington to see
that the Crime Control Act—the great, great
grandchild of Senate Bill One—meets defeat
once again. We must voice our opposition
loud and clear, to sensitive and derogatory
intelligence information being supplied to
local police and criminal justice agencies.
Write President Reagan, and your own Con-
gresspersons, about all of these bills. And
write Congressman Rodino demanding that
he present the Crime Control Act to Con-
gressman Conyers’ Sub-Committee. Rodino
is trying to bypass the Conyers committee.
Urgent Update: Senator Strom Thur-
mond has introduced S.829, incorporating
all the bad features of last session’s S.1630
criminal code bill, and in addition abolishes
parole, reduces judicial discretion in sen-
tencing, abolishes habeas corpus for pri-
soners and abolishes the exclusionary rule.
Senator Joseph Biden has introduced S.830
[companion to H. B. 2572, sponsored by
Congressmen Laudenbach & Simms] which
is the same as the S.1 bills we have been
fighting for over a decade, with the excep-
tion that it does not contain a death penalty
provision nor does it change the insanity
defense.
Biden claims a liason with Congressman
Peter Rodino, who has said he will circum-
vent Congressman John Conyer’s SubCom-
mittee on the House Judiciary (where pre-
vious Criminal Code bills have been stop-
ped) and get it directly to the House floor.
Write: Congressman Peter Rodino (Ray-
burn HOB 2462, WDC 20515) demanding
the legislation be sent to Congressman
Conyer’s SubCommittee; and write your
Senators (U.S. Senate, WDC 20510) and
Congressperson (U.S. House of Represen-
tatives, WDC 20515) demanding they vote
against S.829, $.830 and HB.2572.
Labor Rig hts Under Attack
Just as a program was developed at the anized around the repeal of Taft-Hartley, de-
Founding Conference to bring the attention, _ feat of “right-to-work for less,” support for
concern and support of the people’s organi- — the Stearns miners, amnesty for undocumen-
zations to the defense of labor, our 10th ted workers, protections for public workers,
Anniversary Conference will no doubt adopt __ the defeat of the Weber case and the over-
a program to face the labor struggles of turning of the Bakke decision. Our most sus-
today. tained national effort has been in support of
the J.P. Stevens workers, where we bought
J.P. ‘Stevens stock so that we could la
“the management at its “board meetings,” i
addition to our marches, rallies and leaflets.
The Founding Conference of the National if
Alliance in 1973 reaffirmed the historical
fact that the first line of defense in the fight
to defend and extend democracy is labor
rights. The labor movement has struggled for
decades for decent wages, safe working con-
ditions, and the right to bargain collectively.
In doing so, the labor movement has faced
unrelenting repression by various govern-
ment officials and agencies, murderous at- a
tacks by racist hate groups such as the ku
klux klan, and intimidation, harassment and
discrimination by labor bosses.
Hundreds of labor activists have been
killed or injured in the various struggles over
the years.
The legal system has been used as a wea-
pon of repression against the labor move-
ment. Criminal frame-ups, civil injunctions,
and legislative restrictions have been utilized
by government officials in collusion with la-
bor bosses to beat back the progress of the
labor movement. The police have often been
used to break up strikes or other labor
activities.
Since the Founding Conference, the Na-
tional Alliance has been involved in numer-
RS
eect reataal
eracetetans
ous labor campaigns across the country. At ae
our Sth Conference, we said that it is our job
; . ‘ Coalition of Labor Union Women at October 19th
to mount a national campaign in defense of Rally, NYC 1982.
labor rights. The National Alliance has org-
With our successes, we have also suffered
some defeats. Congress has defeated several
labor proposals to protect the right to organ-
ize. Union-busting activities have a
to a point where labor perhaps fac
strongest challenges in the past few decades.
The PATCO decertification signals the begin- — 4
ning of a new onslaught against labor rights.
Decertification elections are being held all
over the country, while Congress now consi-
ders proposals to repeal the Davis-Bacon Act
and to make labor subject to the criminal
provisions of the Hobbs Act.
The 10th Anniversary Conference will af-
ford us the opportunity to review our labor
work and to give renewed impetus to our
program to build a national campaign to re-
peal Taft-Hartley, reinstate Wagner Act pro-
tections, and organize a campaign for the
rights of undocumented workers. The Labor
Rights Task Force will need to be strength-
ened, while perhaps a single national cam-
paign will be adopted as a national priority.
Local branches should continue their labor
efforts around local struggles. Attacks on af-
firmative action must be countered. The pro-
tection and organizing of undocumented
workers will be a very important element of
our labor work.
Because of the multinational character of
the National Alliance, we are in a position to
continue to give great assistance to the red
movement. Remembering that the firs
of defense in our struggle is the rights of
labor, the 10th Anniversary Conference will
allow us to again focus on union-busting, civ-
il liberties and rights on the job, rights of un-
documented workers, public workers, and
Southern labor.
CHAIRPERSONS: Rev. Ben Chavis, United Church of Christ/Commission for Racial Justice * Angela Davis, Communist Party, U.S.A. « Rev. David Garcia, St. Mark’s Cnurch-
in-the-Bowery * VICE-CHAIRPERSONS: Anne Braden, Southern Organizing Committee for Economic & Social Justice * Judge Margaret Burnham, Boston Alliance Against
Racist & Political Repression Atty. Lennox Hinds «David Truong, Political Prisoner» TREASURER: Atty. O. Stephen Paganuzzi, Jr.» EXECUTIVE SECRETARY: Charlene
Mitchell» ASSISTANT EXECUTIVE SECRETARY: Frank Chapmans organizations for identification only
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Permit No. 9388
ve, :
ele c jie a ft Tee. 2. . Bein BD ee Die ik ot! er c ~~ “aoe —
—- a on
the crime of homicide: Georgia,
_ THE DEATH PENALTY
VIOLATES
HUMANITY
From 1967 to 1977, there were no executions in the
United States. In 1977, Gary Gilmore was executed in Utah.
Since then, two more men have been killed by the state;
four committed suicide.
As of February 1980, the NAACP Legal Defense and
Education Fund reports that 600 men and 7 women were
on death row. Of those sentenced to die, 240 are black;
338, white; 22, Spanish surname; 3, Native American; 2,
Oriental.(sic}
The death penalty has been
given judicial sanction by the
Supreme Court in three states for
Florida, and Texas. Together,
these states have condemned
346 men and women to death.
The Governor of Florida,
Robert Graham has stated that
he wants to personally execute
the 138 people on ‘his’ death row.
The story of Florida's death row
is: by 1978, the 72 white men on
death row had ali allegedly killed
whites; none of the whites who
allegedly killed Blacks were
sentenced to death, 92% of the
men on death row, white and
Black, had allegedly killed
whites; yet an equal number of
murders of Blacks had occurred.
The murder of a Black was 1/10
as likely to be punished by death
as the murder of a white. A Black
who allegedly killed a white was ©
five times as likely to receive the
death penalty as a white killing a
white. (Bowers and Pierce, North-
eastern University).
In May of 1979, when John Spenkelink was executed,
Florida’s Governor Graham proclaimed that “this affirms
the value of human life.”” Jacksonville police began to sell
T-shirts with the slogan “One down, 133 to go.”
THE RAPE CHARGE
(1930-1965) 405/455 or 89% of men executed for rape
were Black.
(1930-1980) No white man has been executed for the
alleged rape of a Black woman.
Would Clarence Aligood, the prison guard who raped
Joann Little ever have been charged with a capital crime?
In North Carolina, more whites have: been convicted of
rape than Blacks; however, only 8 whites were executed as
opposed to 68 Blacks. (Source: U.S. Justice Dept. 1975;
NAACP LDF: Univ. N.C. Law Sc.)
(1930-1967) 2066/3859 people executed or 54% were
Black. :
In North Carolina in 1976, 116 Neel ‘sat on death row;
64% were Black—but only 22% of the state’s population
is Black.
Not only does North Carolina send a disproportionate.
number of Blacks to death row, but it executes more:
Blacks: between 1909 and 1954, °
44% of all whites sentenced to -
_. death were executed; 62% of
Biacks so sentenced were ex-
ecuted.
More whites than Blacks in
North Carolina are charged with
and convicted of capital crimes.
However, more Blacks than
whites are actually sentenced to
death and are actually executed.
75% of those executed for mur-
der were Black in a state that is
75% white. 93% of ‘first degree
burglars’ on death row in 1976
were Black; 89% of alleged ra-
pistswere Black. =
But that Blacks are much more
likely to be sentenced to death
and executed than whites is not
only true in North Carolina, Geor-
gia, Mississippi, Texas, Florida
and the South, it is also true in
the North and West. In California,
30% of those executed were
Black or Chicano. In New Jersey,
3 of 10 whites sentenced to death
were executed; 5 of 10 Blacks
were.
The number of innocent people executed in the U.S. may
never be known, but recent studies indicate that the figure
may be staggering—Edward Bouchard cites 65 innocent
victims; the late Judge Jerome Frank (2nd Circuit Appeals
Court)—36; Hugo Adam Bedau—74 innocent victims.
A few cases illustrate the point: March 1957: The Califor-
nia headlines read “Stay of Execution Two Minutes Too
Late.’ The governor’s reprieve came 2 minutes after the ex-
ecution. February 1958: James Shaver convicted of rape-
murder was given a reprieve less than three hours before
his slated execution after another man confessed to the
crime in Texas. July 1958: Twice sentenced to die, hours
before the execution, another man confesses in Georgia.
ee = ee ee ee ee eS ee ee ee een Tet es ee a
The Death Penalty Is Imposed Disproportionately Against Black &
Minority People & Against Those Committed To Political Change.
THE INNOCENT INCLUDE THESE
ACTIVISTS:
Sacco & Vanzetti
—the state of Massachusetts admitted, 50 years too late, that these Italian im-
migrants and political activists were executed for their political beliefs.
John Kehoe
—a labor leader framed for the murder of a mine official, was recently pardoned
by the state of Pennsylvania, 100 years after his hanging.
The Roseribergs
be Communists.
Willie McGee
The Trenton Six
The Martinville
Seven
—a Jewish coupie who were framed and executed, because they were alleged to
—all Black, executed for rape—a charge which was framed to incite racial hatred
and violence.
Joe Hill and the Haymarket martyrs are but a few of the many who have been framed on charges of
murder or other capital crimes, because they are trying to organize a trade union ..
a Strike.
er ee ee —-- eee —~- —-
_ —s ne
a es ~——— ee
MANY MORE ARE INNOCENT VICTIMS OF
RACISM & POVERTY
In Florida, Wilbert Lee and Freddie
Pitis sat on death row for nine years
before their innocente was proved and
they were released. Deibert Tibbs sat on
death row for several years in Florida
before evidence whith totally exonerated
him ‘was revealed by the prosecution, on
the demands of the defense. in both
cases. the National Alliance Against
Racist and Political Repression was in-
strumantal in leading the fight to save the
mes.
Even the President's Commission on
Law Enforcement and the Administration
of Justice admitted: “The imposition of
the death penalty and the exercise of
dispensing power by the Courts and the
Executive fotlow discriminatory patterns.
The death sentence is disproportionately
imposed and carried out on the poor,
Negroes and members of unpopular
groups.”
we wpe
Of the 3859 people executed for all
crimes in this country, 60% were
unemployed at the time they were ar-
rested; 62% were unskilled. 50% had not
finished high school. 90% were too poor
to afford a private lawyer. Of the 610 peo-
ple on death row in 1976, 90% had in-
comes below the poverty level.
In California, during an eight year
period, 42% of blue collar workers con-
victed of first degree murder received the
death sentence, while for white collar
workers the figure was 5%.
in North Carolina, 50% of those on
death row had been employed as farm or
other laborers; but only 20% of those in
North Carolina do similar work. On the
other hand, professional and technical
workers made up 11% of the population
but only 2.2% of those on death row.
THE DEATH F PENALTY IS USED _
PRIMARILY AGAINST POOR AND WORKING PEOPLE
Some peopla including North
Carolina’s Supreme Court Judge say: ‘the
reason is simple, they commit more
crimes.’
But is it that simple?
Studies of wealthy New York residents
have shown that ihe average number of
crimes that each person had committed
that was pynishable by imprisonment
was 18: and that 2/3 of all who had con-
fidentiat interviews had committed
felonies. None had ever been arrested.
(Mitford— Kind & Usual Punishment)
Who is the first suspect in a crime?
Youth, especially Black and Hispanic.
Even when the wealthy and powerful are
prosecuted, most get suspended
sentences. (Commercial Appeal, Mem-
phis, 1978)
WHAT ‘JUSTICE’?
You are more likely to be arrested in the
first place if you are young, poor or Black
or Hispanic. You are less likely to be able
to hire a private lawyer...who could
devote a large amount of time to your
case, obtain the witnesses, and so forth.
—
.orareleadersof
Michael Disalle, recalling his ex-
perience as Governor of Ohio: “I found the
men on death row had one thing in com-
mon; they were penniless. There were
other common denominators—little or no
education, few friends, broken
homes—but the fact that they had
money was a principal factor in their e)
ing condemned to death.”
SE a a ee ee ee
You are more likely to be assigned an
overburdened and harassed public
defender, who at best is unable to spend
the time and does not have the money
available to defend you; at worst, will
believe you guilty, and approach you as a
‘less than human’.
The initial charge will be more severe.
The prosecutor may offer you a chanc@®
plead guilty to a lesser charge and
‘life’ rather than ‘death’. But if you face a
politically ambitious prosecutor who
wants to cash in on your case, you may,
not be allowed to plea bargain at all. You
may face the death penalty because it
generates a fot of free publicity.
“Pm going to ask you whether or not you’ve ever known of a weaithy person to have been executed
in the history of the U.S. I call execution a privilege of the poor. Now please don’t say that wealthy
people do not kill. Yes, they do. We have them in the state of California serving time right now for
murder.... Where the district attorney tried his best to get the death penalty. it was impossible.”
Clinton P. Duffy, Warden San
ficiated at 90.
Quentin Prison in California; he was present at 150 executions and of-
COULD YOU AFFORD TO DEFEND
YOURSELF OR YOUR CHILD?
Recently, a white ex-police officer and
then County Supervisor murdered the
Mayor of San Francisco and another
County Supervisor. He never faced the
death penaliy. What would have hap-
pened had he been Black or Hispanic? Or
poor? 7
Recently, three young white people
| shotgunned three Blacks in a shooting
spree in California. They said they
couldn't find birds to hunt so they killed.
one Black person and wounded two
others. They were allowed to plea
’ bargain. What if they had been Black?
THE DEATH PENALTY IS NO DETERRENT-
TO CRIME
Between 76% and 88% of all murders
are committed by a family member or
| friend. Have you ever said; ‘I'll kill you?”
) It happens.
oO But those cases, except when the
children are also killed are rarely headline
material. 67% of all rape victims are at-
tacked by friends, family members or ac-
quaintances. Only 25% of aggravated
assault victims do not know their
| assailant. (Mitford) If there is a deterrent
for crimes of passion, it’s in professional
counselling before the problem.
trials.” —Robert Massie, Death Row
“Most of the z .i which prosect:tors
display in their efforts to get a man con-
demned to death is to further their -<'"
ical ambitions rather than to see that
justice is served. As iong as there remains
political considerations for placing pro-
secutors in office, then justice will remain
secondary to political aspirations. Since
the office is a stepping stone to pol ical
advancement by building up a successful
record of convictions, luistead of a reputa-—
tion for honesty and integrity, citizens of
low income will seldom reccive fair
Actually about 1.8 per thousand face
violent crime or the threat of violence
each year. This is tiny compared to the
rate of accidental injury. As many as
20,000 people are killed each year by pro-
fessional medical negligence in emergen-
cy care—more than the number of
homicides each year.
Basically, the biggest threat to your tife
is you—suicide is twice as common as
homicide. Beyond that the chances are
3/4 that if you are killed, your murderer
will be a family member or friend.
: IS THE MURDER RATE LOWER
IN STATES WITH THE DEATH PENALTY?
There is no discernible correlation be-
tween the availability of the death penalty
and the homicide rate. (President’s Com-
mission on Law Enforcement and the Ad-
ministration of Justice.)
Others maintain that state by state,
either the rate is not affected or that the
murder rate is lower in non-death penalty
states. Each of the Deep South states,
where the death penalty is in force, has
higher rates than any state without
capital punishment.
The average citizen faces the greatest
loss from crimes against business
establishments and public institutions
which pass along their losses to us in the
form of increased prices and taxes. Their
‘ largest losses occur not from bank rob-
bery or shoplifting, but embezzlement,
misappropriation of funds, and so
forth... all non-capital crimes.
WHY DOES STREET CRIME GET SO MUCH Oo &
MEDIA ATTENTION?
Although violent crime accounts for In the meantime, one of the major
tess than 20% of all crime, the stories are causes of violent crime, particularly
believed to sell newspapers. Yellow jour- related to drug traffic is corruption in the
nalism has long been lucrative. The police department. Police protect
greatest likelihood of being a victim of racketeers who prey on the people.
crime is being a victim of larceny or Without large scale cooperation from the
-purglary, particularly in times of police, the largest criminal enterprises
economic crisis, like the present. could not survive. And the hue and cry
about street crime provides a convenient
smokescreen to cover attempts to in-
timidate and coerce political opponents,
citizens and officials.
WHAT EFFECT DOES THE DEATH | .
PENALTY HAVE ON PRISONERS? : ij
“Executions do nothing but enlarge the
~dentmanizing’ possibilities within a
prison, by adding more bitterness to the
general attitude of conflict and
misunderstanding that exists between
ihe imprisoned and society. The death
penalty offers the illusion of security to
socieiy, but aciually erodes the humane .
foundation of the society.”
—
THE QUESTION MORALITY—WHY DO WE
Statements of the death penalty (ex-
cerpts: What The Religious Community _ KILL PEOPLE TO SHOW THAT KILLING IS
Thinks) ee WRONG? 72)
U.S. Catholic Conference ‘Ir 974, out of a commitment to the value and dignity of human life, the Catholic
bishops of the U.S. declared their opposition to capital punishment. We continue to support this position in the
belief that a return to the use of the death penalty can only lead to the further erosion of respect for life in our
_ society.” . >
National Council of Churches “'... Opposes the death penalty and urges member denominations and state and
tocal councils of churches actively promote the necessary legislation to secure this end, particularly inthe 37
states which have not yet eliminated capital punishment.” ; % ,
*
come of American Hebrew Congregations "We believe that in the light of modern scientific knowledge and con-
cepts oneepitel punishment either by a state or by a national government is no longer morally justifiable.” ,
7 .
Other denominations against the death penalty: American Baptist Church, American Friends Service Committee, |
American Jewish Committee, Christian Church, Church of the Brethren, Episcopal Church, Lutheran Church in
America, Mennonite, Reformed Church in America, Synagog ncil of America, Unitarian Universalist, United
ue
: Church of Christ, United Methodist Church, United Teabpendiperarc. - ‘
DEATH PENALTY
MORATORIUM!
As of June 30, 1980, a total of 636 persons were on death row, and the number is
growing at the rate of over 10 per month. This is the largest death row population in U.S.
history and currently may be the largest in the world.
Write: President Jimmy Carter, The White House,
WDC 20500, demanding he issue an immediate moratorium on executions .
National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression
27 Union Square West/Room 306, New York, NY 10003/212-243-8555