to talk to you about the advocate, to be someone who lives the life that you want to see.
You can use the person to talk to you, and sometimes you have to stand out for everybody else's city.
Sometimes you have to say to me, to everybody else, it's quiet.
It's bad idea that maybe it's a bad commitment, but I really want to talk about tonight.
To the ACM News of the Amazing Workerization of Kentucky, the ACM News, the National ACM News,
have been trying to do the critical thing that has to be done in the country, which has changed,
and never put all the dominates in which we think about social issues,
and political issues, or religious issues, racial issues, economic issues.
And when you think about it, the Americans that were constantly being from the modern day,
are Americans that have frequently served powerful, the privileged, those who have been to those they have been useful.
And if you're really committed to civil rights, you really committed to civil liberties, you really committed to justice.
You have to be willing to change the narrative.
You have to be willing to confront these narratives, understand what's problematic about them, and change them.
And why I'm excited about working with the ACLU and other cited about your presence here tonight,
that we're gathered immediately to understand how important it is that this work of changing the narratives continue.
The ACLU in the 1960s took on a case of a woman by many of the military, and the rigid lawmen,
the rigid lawmen, and the American military, and Washington DC, they moved back to Virginia,
where they were from, and they were arrested and put in jail.
They were arrested and put in jail because their marriage, which was legal in DC, was criminal in Virginia,
because the bill of Virginia was after the American and Richard Bobby was violent.
Interracial marriage was illegal.
They were sentenced to a year in prison, which was suspended on a condition of being lead the state and never come back.
Thank you for that.
But then it went to the ACLU.
I mean, as the ACLU helped the marriage be false, it existed in 16 states that made it illegal to lie and why people to get married.
The case went to Virginia where it was illegal to not have been altered and made it to the United States Supreme Court in 1967,
and the United States Supreme Court declared that these dissemination sanctions are not constitutional,
and the law in 16 states, which had barred in the marriage, had been no longer being forced.
I started that because the marriage had to be challenged, an idea that the whites were scared to be black,
and they were put in marriage, and they were not ideated, and there could be an integration in the home,
and a home, and a home integration in the school, ten years in the front.
And it was a trial at the time that one of the people thought that was not a good use of resources.
It was not a good use of it, and limited it, and the other two were available to deal with these issues.
And I say that because right now, through being all kinds of narratives, and all kinds of things,
there's an error that's about unlocks the people of the country.
But having no rights and no decency, that one of these set back shouldn't recognize the fact that even when it came to his children,
they shouldn't get an education, they shouldn't get the same proof, so that in narrative, in my opinion, has to be challenged.
There's an error that's about gender equality, there's an error that's about the rights of sexual minorities, there it is about religious minorities,
there's an error that's about who has power, there's an error that's about how should the elected people and who's influenced the dollars that are most,
these narratives have to be challenged.
And when you think about the word the Kentucky-Ace Gallery, I hope even about these modern narratives that have shaped the ways what was being done.
I, nonetheless, 20-some years, can try to change the narrative from a justice.
After meeting Steve, saying the project that people were getting down, it became impossible for me to do anything else.
I got to the ban, after me got off that claim, I've learned about the movement literally, dying for legal assistance.
Because with all of that, it became necessary for me to say something about that.
And what we do try to say something about this, the way it's going to be is changed back in the last 40 years.
1972, 300,000 people in jail were present, the day there are 2.3 million.
The United States now has a high student incarceration in the world, with giving 6 million people a probation and parole.
What we've done with mass incarceration has been devastating, but it's been particularly devastating for my early beginnings.
In 1996, Congress passed a long, well-developed reform at the time of the vision, that actually allowed states to ban people from public benefits, from food stamps, from public housing, and certain mentors, as if they were previously defending the federal government.
The people most importantly affected by this all were actually women, with children.
And in our lifetime, the United States Congress, I believe, has created a new, classic person in America in society.
These women with children, who have prior to our convictions, are our unconscious.
We cannot be sure, we cannot be sure, we cannot access, but we have other kind of services.
They are the need for the world, they are the need for the eligible.
And we're in a captivating, hard-working world of the Senate.
Right now, we are looking at a situation where many women have to be out of the American men, who need to be engaged in their decent jail with the physical preparation of the role.
There are collaborative consequences to mass incarceration, why state it out of a battle like the state of Kentucky?
The chances of your right to go is it's all the criminal condition, you will permanent bar on vote, as it's all the criminal case, today at 7.34% of the African-American nail-off is just permanent, not all the right to go.
We're rejecting the next 10 years, where they actually reach a level of discipline and drives them.
In some communities at that time, they see the level of discipline, right?
This is very interesting, a prior passage of the vote, and then there are many diseases, and there are diseases of falling, side-induced, and dammit.
It's fascinating because in many ways, the narrative has to see, we have been corrupted by a politician's fear of anger, elected officials, all preach to be afraid, all preach to be angry, and use that rhetoric to justify a string of cruel injustice.
We are all unjust and sentenced, unjust practices. I represent a people who can sentenced a life who is without the role of writing a banation.
I mean, we're getting an African-American law, a man who would like not to go sentenced to the fourth time on the issue, and it doesn't matter if those convictions are three marijuana possession charges, or writing three checks and three different places for under 100 dollars.
We still get a man who would love to have a role, and hundreds of people who would love to have a role, a provider, a non-violent property.
And so, for me, it becomes necessary to say something about this, and have a change in everything.
What's not just nice with our duration, work, to be an idea that is very focused on the death of the enemy, the death of the enemy has a legacy that is quite far better, quite extreme.
When we started building these cases in 1980, people were still a bit of a 60-year-old in gas chambers, burning up in electricians, being calm, dying from marijuana sports.
And what we learned over the last few years, that this death of the enemy was so did any so insistent on having this prove to be mostly unknowable, and accurate.
And I'm clear, for every naive human that could execute in this country, we might have thought that the quality of this university versus who was almost executed is an unbelievable error.
Why not, in first you can't have an error in public administration, you wouldn't have been tolerated, they are rated down.
And so, for me, that ability has to become a question of whether people deserve to die or cry to the enemy.
Really, the question has become who we deserve to kill.
And that narrative has to be advanced, that narrative has to be crucial.
The attention of these commoners, I thought, all these issues that we don't talk about,
the common and the commoner of justice is the future better, and the rates of guilty to warrant this, well, not quality,
chase out the most in our system.
And it's a trend, but it is justice.
We've been trying to say something about changing the narrative for children, it's the invention,
our project is now very actively dealing with this issue of dealt with the sentence for the other children,
and the purpose of this is to own a human world that is at least 13 and 14 year old children who died in prison.
The commoner of justice has a million and 13 and 14 year olds, and 77% of these children are African-American.
90% are African-American, but that's human.
The United States is salamely up to many countries that have refused to sign the international cup of the rights of their child,
because of that common prohibence and restricts excesses and the kids.
That was fascinating that we, right in our child status, in every little area of the world,
but somehow the criminal context, we know, in the constant of that distraction,
one of the great things that I had an opportunity to experience on what you were at the scene was that I was going to get the cost of it
and to apply it to other people and carstead people.
I hope all of you who are here tonight find ways to be close to the work of the ACIP,
and not just who you're getting, to obviously be important, not just for their presence here tonight,
but in these hearings and these events and these efforts to the legislature,
I hope you finally take close to who you get close.
You learn the original otherwise, you see that you won't otherwise see,
you can't understand and you cannot understand the path of proximity.
The proximity is key to developing the tools you need to change narrative.
I was working on these cases involving the children, the God of the Ks 10 years ago,
the young boy was living in a house with his mother, and the dignity of the big of a lot of them.
As a piece of this, always a lot of them, just living with a man, just quite a lot of them.
I had come on the age and all kinds of views.
When they walked into the house, he was drinking, he walked into the boys' house,
and he just punched her in the face. She fell into the floor, she was unconscious,
she was bleeding. The boy's five feet tall, I don't know her count,
was trying to provide his mom, but they kept her to come up to her way up,
and then she went to her mom, and this will be fine, this mom will be dead.
The man who used to be better than the fellow seat, and the boy got up 20 minutes later,
and he walked into the bedroom with the man who was seat, and he walked into the dresser
where the man who was using his hand kept his hand up.
The little boy they had gone up, and he walked over to the rhythm and was seat,
and he pointed at them, and the man's head almost cleaned like a ranch.
That can track the culture.
The man was still instantly.
At this job, a little pirate from a list of you, was a good student,
he never had trouble with the poor and the poverty, when he tried as a juvenile,
but for the fact that this man had been shot, he would have been abused in his father
with a dead man in his share.
Because he was a dead man, share with the prosecutors, this job he tried as a fellow.
And so they immediately placed him in the asylum,
and he would be able to three days a gram of the quality, after a swimming call from the case,
and went to the court of justice to talk with the shot, and I started asking the question,
I had only been being difficult in use for a job, and it was a single dissatisfaction.
I kept asking the rest of you to keep sitting there, and it kept standing there.
And the more I talk of a pirate, he became fine, and I put my head down and said,
I can't help you, you don't answer my question.
You know I talk, you know I talk.
And he said, I got up, I walked around the table, I got a post from the pool, my chair,
and I said, close the door, this is coming, I talk, I can't help you, I talk.
Eventually we got meeting on the pool boy, and finally a thousand meetings back,
and we leaned back to put my heart on him, and said,
I can't help you, I'm talking, this is where you're coming.
And through his tears began to talk to me, not about that, but with his mother,
but the man talking to me, I'll look back at the gym.
And don't have the first time, you actually get abused by several men.
And then he told me the next time he could rape me by several men.
And then he told me the night before I got up, and they could be abused by so many people
who couldn't actually remember how many they were in.
And I held his voice while walking by his scary,
trying to make sense of this kind of awesome album.
And I left that chair, I couldn't help but then one of his sister,
one of his little hair, and it made us comfortable in this country doing the next job.
How would we make peace to this?
We make peace to this because these narratives that protect the powerful,
that protect the privilege, that certain ages of fear and anger,
are very much in the heart of the living beings,
to perpetuate violence and civil rights and civil liberties.
Fear and anger are the ingredients that facilitate basic violations of the rights.
That's how you get to genocide, that's how you get to war,
that's how you get to all kinds of access.
And then something changes, is that we can fight for the religious,
and it will urge people to be less afraid, more courageous,
more committed to the lawful.
And there will be something.
Well, that's the end of the talk. I couldn't not avoid conveying myself
to doing something about the quiet children,
the indulgence of persons today, and third of the day,
still incarcerated children and little dogs.
Whether a gent not to hold back, it would be good to dissect yourself and use you.
We still have 30 states that across the country,
the library is children, we have 18 states,
we have no minimum wage for trying to children as at all.
Our newest project is actually adopted in the cases of young children
eight and nine years old, who have been convicted of sentence to adult prisons.
In this country, we have a change to America.
It's not just two and a half years old,
it's not just that, that only is also the race.
Every time we just do a trying to think about race and much more meaningful,
when we have this real tenancy in this country,
this city of action, to not only talk about race, but we we inhabit.
Look at these three types of African Americans coming here,
they're talking thinking about it.
This state, this state is one of the four cities that recoupes the rabid law
of the 13th Amendment.
Kentucky was a cover by the United Nations Proclamation in 1963.
The United Nations Proclamation only involved in the states that were African-developed.
So states like Kentucky and Lyson,
a battle were told we don't have a problem with your city.
And so when the effort was made back to the Civil War,
it's brought about a constitution that Kentucky said we don't have an end.
We like to.
It's made as a university that year the EOS passed the Civil War.
Kentucky informed me about constitution until the late 1970s.
While I mentioned that, because this inability to think about history
has forgotten the age of African-Americans and shame on the poor institutions
and was forced into the wreck.
Then there was terror, most people don't think about it this way,
but in the reconstruction to the World War II,
racial discrimination, racial hierarchy, racial discrimination,
segregation, and racism, like Kentucky and D.S.
What has been in just a couple of years at all,
so that they can't contain this terror?
Again, we'll respond to those questions,
we have to continue to do that.
We have to tear it up, and we use mentioned, cognitive,
racial violence to create a racial hierarchy,
or racial caste system.
That's setting institutional terror for the D.D.
D.D. disrupted the aspiration to vote my 10 last time,
stay.
Only will cover up all the time,
as the students and you may know that people stop saying
that we're dealing with terror for the first time in the United States
after a mile left.
This is people having terror because we're not being bombed
and then it's a shame day off.
To get offended, maybe you say,
I'm not being offended for the first time, I do not.
Well, the third is institutional, of course,
segregation to the problem.
And I believe the fourth institution is vast in our screen.
Now, it's funny, you kind of, even tonight,
as the walking over here,
the importance is very time to allow you to stay there
and hide a food in front of the bank,
to throw away a minority of the planet and to your tonight,
or stay in the ground,
or tell the state of New York that it's coming down.
It's reading a plaque on the wall,
and I'd rather tell what it said to us.
In 1920, it was a very prosperous time in Louisville.
It talked about all the wonderful things that were going on
in the 1920s,
and a lot of us, a massive development, industry,
a lot of the time was a consequence of some really brutal policies.
That's a pretty brutal tactic,
so that we engage in it for four or five years.
And the reality is that even though we ended it,
and tried to implement the laws of creative research
and reparations in this country,
we had to expect time to tell the truth about what that has to do with it.
And I believe this is one of the advantages that we also had to change.
We will not be far from the state,
or in this country, on racialism,
as an economist, as a panel of health appreciation,
as a panel of people in the integration,
as a panel of people of these other issues.
Until we can get ourselves a time to truth about the history of racial law.
In the 1960s and 1970s,
the eliminate of the fault of this ruled off
because we didn't get ourselves truth about the reconciliation of our lives' tensions,
and you see them all the time.
People say that if we do things all the sudden,
there's a conflict,
a community is continuing to be in conflict,
and that conflict is very much rooted in the spirit of truth,
and to get ourselves a reconciliation after the part times of Africa,
there's a recognition that they could not move forward
without a commitment to truth and reconciliation.
And by truth, I mean,
giving people the time to talk about their job,
to talk about their ending,
and talk about their ideals and what it is,
whether it's about the genuine day in the day after.
When you're about to go to the back of all these things,
you give them a way to do that.
I was talking about raising the death penalty in the late intellectual journey of the years ago,
and it's fascinating to me that the end of the lecture were the Germans that was stood up,
and she made a point to the audience,
she said, of course we don't have the death penalty in German,
and then she said, we will matter matter to death penalty in German.
She said it would be understandable for us to have an end of our time
and be able to assist us by the killing of human beings.
And she said the experience of all of us means that we have permanently afforded the life of every kill of human beings.
And the other group were not aware of it,
so we don't mind to talk about that at this point.
I got on the plane by a foot back,
and I'm standing behind that,
and I started thinking, well what would it feel like to live in the world
for the nations to determine still executed people,
still an act of gasping for people being in sticks to them?
And then I thought, or I might have a couple of what would it feel like if they were doing that,
and the people who were disproportionately being executed, were shooting at you?
And the more I thought that the more powerful they should have became,
and I realized that the power had been, but I could not make it easy.
I could not be silent, I could not be an act of light to have to do something,
to confront them.
My knowledge of the relationship with all of us,
you know, its end in the world would not forbid it to live peacefully with them,
and then I thought of the plan.
In when I read on a band, I started walking around and speech with my offices,
and I thought about thousands of people burrowing the ground
through the victims' invention, victims' integration,
victims' integration, just as I was.
And then I looked at that fellow,
80% of the people who know that the crimes were committed for victims who were racist and misjudicated.
So I thought to myself, how was it that people, how was it that they made ourselves confident?
Was there any kind of confronted with this narrative?
Well, the other narratives are all things that the people would have,
at the first event, at the environment, at the integration,
could spend all my talking about these things.
I don't want to just talk about the importance of changing narratives.
I also want to say something about how these narratives change us.
So what's fascinating, I really didn't expect to spend my whole career
of other than the people on that low doing work that I knew.
But one of the things I wanted to do is that,
closer to my topic to these issues,
as opposed to our topic to people affected by these issues,
the smaller the list of things has become a wide narrative.
And it's an amazing thing that sometimes changing narrative
of the injustice that we see all around us,
requires us to change our own narrative as a matter of fact.
We actually begin to think differently about who we are,
what we can achieve.
The greatest threat of the base of a group of topic bases
is that people in the topic actually have come to believe
that this is the best we can do.
We can't do any more of the problem for people who are doing work.
We can't do any more of our basic justice.
We can't do any more of the social justice.
We can't do any better access to services.
For people who are not, we can't do better for the environment.
We can't do better for the perceptual moment.
We can't do better. This is as much as needed.
We've begun to believe that we don't have the power.
We don't have the ability. We don't have the capacity to fund
and have been changed as a side of them.
And once you begin to believe that your personal narrative
is corrupt.
You've actually accepted things you should never accept.
You tolerate things you should never tolerate.
You've done the face of that, you've benefited.
You should become complacent.
I've learned some art, I've got booze and cuts and scars.
For violence, I wrote the Secretary of the South.
I'll be honest, I don't mind Kentucky.
But I don't like it when people talk about the criminal case.
I'm provoked by that aside.
I don't like talking about the greatest China,
the United States, the United States.
I don't like the old South, I don't like the Confederate class,
I don't like the military, I don't like this underwinded idea
that there's something glorious and wonderful
by state celebrates in the federal memorial day.
Justice Davis first day is the state of holiday.
And on that part of the King Day, in part of the King's Flash,
probably needed it.
And on the mobile, coming on to the third,
I was going to the prison that's long ago,
I was looking to be applied to the government before.
This has kind of been a little tired.
Back then, I saw this truck, you see the tax of all the time,
in Alabama.
And this truck was sort of a shrine to the old South.
And at all these Confederate flags on it,
and I saw these bombers take their ass in,
gun racks on the bomb, stood their dwind,
told them, if I know this is going to be like this,
I have to pay my own time for Georgia.
And so offended by that, I saw the heck I got in my car.
I saw my car, and I got out of the prison.
I was like, who was this?
Who was really really good?
What do you think?
I came up to me and I said, I'm here for a meeting with you.
So we went to get the back, run up the strip search.
I said, those are ways of the strip search.
I don't have to be.
If you want to come to mind, I'm really going to do the strip.
Really nice.
So I went in, very impressive.
Very, very difficult search.
I tried to make it to the South, see the climate.
I said, I ain't coming back, you did the sign and pull.
I said, what were you going to sign and pull?
He said, if you get in the mud, you'll be the sign and pull.
Really difficult to get out.
I went back and sign and pull.
I tried to get back to see the climate.
I had a long time back home, I told him, I told him,
yeah, did you see that truck on the field,
all those flags and bombas, did you see that?
I saw that truck.
So I wanted to know what gas and fire truck.
Really good.
I said, okay.
I went into the prison and I said, I was fine.
I never met with the boys, I had an American man.
Pretty severely disabled, when he came out,
and he said, I'm going to say, hey, do you bring me a truck
with a milkshake?
I said, no, I didn't bring a truck with a milkshake.
I'm going to order, I'm not going to bring me a truck.
I was thinking this is one of the strengths,
I think I said, I'm going to be the one.
And I started asking my questions,
and I noticed that he had a symptom.
He wasn't really with me.
And finally, he realized he still had a lot of problems with the school.
Shit.
I'm sorry, I didn't want to be a brick with a milkshake.
Next time I went into the prison,
they never bring me a milkshake,
I don't have a milkshake.
And I said, I'm going to be okay.
They go to the end of the prison.
Every time I saw this man,
I had to talk to him about my habits of bringing a milkshake.
I said, I'm going to try bringing a milkshake with a little bit of a milkshake.
And at any time, they're not scared of disabled person.
In any football field, there's a certain bad thing about it.
He used his parents to take him out to the woods,
he was about a ten times high into a tree,
a band in there,
and he was left there and he was found by hundreds of ways
that he had almost died.
And then the back of the wall staircase
was about the time he was 13,
he was fearing that the hill,
the time was 16,
it's like how the time was 19,
it's really dead.
And danger to himself and other people.
And then he needed a terrible amount of life,
to make a good sense of death.
Our task is to present this history,
this life, which is never been presented
in an original trial,
and finally, you got a good report.
We went to court,
and I got the area,
and it's finally original within the income.
I pulled it back,
and I noticed that the guard had brought in from death
and problems,
and it's a very difficult guard,
and we've been so challenging for me.
I've said it out,
but it didn't take up too much time,
and we've much attention.
We put on our records for the next three days,
and I felt pretty good about the case,
when it went on,
and I noticed it was back
when my ex-president,
said to park it out pretty good about the case.
The month I went back,
so the prison didn't receive this thing,
and as I got there,
I saw that this guard was illuminated.
When I went into the prison,
the guard saw me coming,
and he did something completely shocking.
I was walking in,
and I said,
oh, I'm going to get ready for research.
He said, oh, Mr. Street,
you don't have to worry about it.
I'm not getting it,
so I'm very sure.
I said, oh, I have to do it.
I said, well, thank you.
I said, oh, I won't go inside,
and I'm going to see Mr. Street,
and I saw you coming out,
and I'll be inside you again.
That's a great one.
Well, thank you.
I said, okay, I'm almost going in the grand draw,
and I'm making my money,
but I didn't want to.
And he said, this is the end of how much you did not saw.
He said, I want you to know how I was listening
in that court,
completely completely,
and he was talking to me,
and he said,
oh, I really don't have time to do more,
but he was at that time.
And he said,
you know, I just wanted to tell you
that I appreciate what you do.
He said, I was a lost character,
and I told him,
I had it really tough.
And I figured what you do,
and I couldn't never have lived in such a thing.
I couldn't never have lived in it.
And with all of my experiences,
and all of my thoughts,
and all of my issues,
and around all of them are presented,
completely forwarded.
That's what I really appreciate your saying.
I left to go in and see the client,
and I remember one more time,
so I was just thinking,
I had to introduce myself now.
He said, what's that?
He said, what I did saw.
He said, what the trip back to the court,
did you agree?
I said, what did you do?
Did you do this?
Well, I took it next to it at some point,
and I took your client to a wimpy,
and I'm going to apologize for what you said.
It seems unbelievably simple.
But by telling you that probably,
nothing has been as meaningful as that gesture.
Because that gesture represents that we can change,
and we engage in the work of justice.
Our lives can be changed,
and we can change our lives,
and we can change as well.
And that a change actually makes us stronger.
I, my, my,
are some very simple things.
I have been a parent versus it's more important to me
than you are.
That's what I can do.
My client is talking about it.
I think it's like, does a line have a gesture to line?
Because somebody steals a bit of it,
doesn't allow it to be in the magic of being.
The key is you can feel some of that,
you're not just a tool.
I also mean an interesting country,
that the opposite of poverty,
not what I mean,
I mean, the United States,
the opposite of poverty is justice.
And we can then,
the United States,
I would suggest you do something about poverty.
And finally,
if you judge the character of the society,
Louis Kintaki cannot be judged.
I have a dream,
a rich, powerful,
a pretty,
a beautiful,
a dirty,
a successful,
a basketball team.
All those days are wonderful,
but that's not a point of being a veteran.
That matter that you come to think about.
Kintaki,
you just follow the society.
The character is a society.
Not that you do the rich and powerful,
the privilege of the highly beautiful,
the incarcerated,
the condemned and the marginalized.
It's in the back,
common sense,
that they see everything themselves.
At the radio,
there's the young boy,
who's being among them,
and the meeting goes to the party.
You come back from Detroit,
you're time and time,
and it was part of the magic kick
at the foot of two close friends.
A white woman,
you're changing her,
you're just as conservative,
or you're setting off the king.
Another African American woman,
in Johnny Car,
was the architect of the momentum of Louis Kintaki.
And these moons that went into the ghetto,
they just taught from hours of these derives of fortune.
This car could call me sometimes,
and say to my aunt,
this car is coming to town.
But do you want to go over and listen?
As far as I understand,
I'm dealing with this,
you always say,
well, tell me,
the primary of the word,
listen to me.
I have to explain to her,
listen to me.
I can't say it,
or I just go over there,
listen to me.
I'm just going to have to go over and listen to me.
It's so bad,
it's so bad,
I can't tell the light that it changed them,
by being an obnoxiousist.
And I was only there one time,
because parts look at me,
and they've been talking for a while,
since you said they're blind,
and I'm telling you that the E.J.I.
is definitely the possessive mission it is.
And look at this car,
and I asked for permission to speak,
and you paid for permission to speak,
and it's my brain is part of our ration.
I said, well,
we're trying to use something about the debt,
and we're trying to end the debt,
and we're trying to help children,
and that's the dollar in prison.
So we're trying to do something about a massive incarceration,
and trying to talk about a reuse of power,
and trying to do something about a rage,
and trying to do something about a hard,
and getting a high score at the end of the finish,
she looked at it and she said,
mmm, mmm, mmm.
She said that's only time, time, time,
time for the debt.
That's the far away,
her finger on my head,
she said that's all we're going to do,
and the great, great, great.
Doing more for the kids,
doing more for the kids,
doing more for the justice,
doing more for the change in the air.
I'm going to tell you,
I'm going to tell you,
who it's also.
There is no way that we can just
support our bad results to do something.
There is no.
I wish it was, because there's no.
But if we had the courage,
the power of indignation,
if we understand the end of the entire,
and we say, when others just say,
and we speak with others from our life,
then there is this,
your order that the order that the order
that would not only be changed
is the role of violence in the way we need it to change,
but it also changes us.
And that is what they were talking about,
when I was young.
When they said in service to the first
of late blacks and the last of the first,
until I said,
I want to come down to that row.
And now I give it.
When I read the college,
that's what we asked you,
it was the love of the question of love,
but if I never totally reached you,
that was the way it was talking about it,
and they said, true,
the question of her is,
shall rise again.
Do I start to add to you that it gets all lost?
For justice,
you didn't act,
and you didn't act,
and you didn't act,
and finally,
you didn't appreciate what Dr. Kim said,
and you said,
the more I could use it,
the more I could make a better justice,
and I'm grateful to you.
The work that you had,
opportunity to embrace,
through this free organization,
Peter,
the A-Siebby-Buggen,
I'm excited,
really excited,
that we have this opportunity together
to change the era
of a country that needs to understand
its basic principles,
its basic commitment,
its understanding of the quality of marriage,
but not only,
not necessarily,
we have opportunity as a community
of progressive,
open-minded people,
who not only understand things
with our minds,
but the field things without our own,
to change ourselves,
to the kind of community
that can actually be the witnesses
that the state of the country needs us to be.
It's with that hope and that
side of the Iron Fair is really equal
to opportunity to be here to time,
and I wish you all very best.
Thank you very much.
Applause.
