College of the Empire State: A Centennial History of The New York State College for Teachers at Albany, N.Y., by William Marshall French and Florence Smith French, 1944

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COLLEGE OF THE EMPIRE STATE

A Centennial History of
The New York State College for Teachers
at Albany
By WILLIAM MARSHALL FRENCH

and

FLORENCE SMITH FRENCH

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College of the Empire State,
Mother of an Army Great,

Thou the Moulder of our Fate,
Thee we sing today.

—From the College Alma Mater
Words by Mrs. FRANCES HUBBARD

To
JOHN MANVILLE SAYLES
President of the College
and
MILTON GooprRICH NELSON

Dean of the College

[3]



FOREWORD

The New York State College for Teachers at Albany is
one of the oldest state institutions for the education of
teachers in the United States. It is the oldest, outside the
State of Massachusetts. During the century of its existence,
it has exercised a great influence upon education throughout
the Empire State; more, it has influenced considerably the
education of teachers throughout the nation. It seems
appropriate, then, that its history should be presented dur-
ing the centennial of the college.

Both of the authors are graduates of the college, Mrs.
French in 1933 (M.A., 1934) and Mr. French in 1929. We
first met in the Milne High School, the practice school of
the college, one day in September, 1928, when Mrs. French
was a senior in Milne and Mr. French a college senior,
“doing his practice teaching” in American History. We
both love Alma Mater, for memories of thorough instruc-
tion and happy days there. But we have tried to paint an
objective, and historically authentic, picture of the institu-
tion. We recognize the college’s shortcomings as well as
its accomplishments.

We are writing primarily for the thousands of alumni,
hoping to bring back to them equally pleasant memories of
“Normal” or of “State”. We hope, though, that our work
will appeal to others, who may see here, not only the growth
of the teachers college movement, but also the triumph of
an institution which for 100 years has kept to one steady
purpose—the education of teachers for the public schools
of a great American state.

In its hundred years, the story of the college has never
been printed. Twenty-five years ago, Dr. Harlan H. Horner

[5]


compiled a manuscript copy of ‘Seventy-five Years of

Service,” stating the major points in the history of the col-

lege. Dr. Horner kindly allowed Mr. French to read this —
study, some years ago. We have not, however, attempted
to parallel it, or to reproduce it in our rather different con-
tribution. The volume entitled “Historical Sketch of State
Normal College”, published by the alumni fifty years ago,
was a collection of papers and addresses, and a roster of
faculty and students. It was, however, hardly a history of
the college,

Partly through our interest in the history of American
education and partly through the keen encouragement of
the late President A. R. Brubacher, we undertook the task
of writing the history of the college. :

Unfortunately, we were unable to uncover the wealth of
material that one would expect to find regarding an insti-
tution so old. To attempt to find interesting source material
akin to that used by Dr. A. C. Cole in his “A Hundred Years
of Mt. Holyoke College” proved, all too often, futile.
Here and there, we did find such data. Fortunately, the
legislative records, the minutes of the Regents of the Uni-
versity of the State of New York, newspaper files and, for —
more fecent years, student publications and catalogues fur-
nished much valuable grist. Several alumni and elder
faculty members were cooperative. The minutes of the
Executive Committee, Board of Trustees and Board of
Visitors were available. Nonetheless, many interesting
and illuminating stories that might have been retold have
doubtless been lost, beyond recall.

Portions of the manuscript have been read by Professor
Clarence A. Hidley, Professor Adam A. Walker, and Dr.
E. R. Van Kleeck, assistant commissioner of education in

the University of the State of New York. We acknowledge .
many valuable suggestions from them.

[6]


The volume is dedicated to Dr. John Manville Sayles,
president, and Dr. Milton Goodrich Nelson, dean of the
college. To them we are indebted for thorough instruction,
professional counsel and abiding friendship.

WILLIAM MARSHALL FRENCH
FLORENCE SMITH FRENCH

Hastings College
Hastings, Nebr.
March 1, 1944

{7}



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CONTENTS

CHAPTERS PAGE
I. Education of Teachers in New York to 1844.............. 11

II. Building Firm the Foundation: The State Normal School,
LBS BAM ce res bee ae ee en ee ae 43

Ill. A Growing Institution: The State Normal School, 1848-1890 89
IV. The Milne Presidency: The State Normal College, 1890-1914 119

V. The Brubacher Presidency: The New York State College for
Pe ETS TOVEAG SO OP ee a, Oe eae 171

VI. The Sayles Presidency: Completing the Century, 1939-1944... 229

VIT. Phe tativence Gite College oe a oe ee 241
BOGS ec La ee rs eee 259

[9]



CHAPTER I

Education of Teachers in New York to 1844

[11]



CHAPTER I
Education of Teachers in New York to 1844

America was in the throes of great reform movements,
a century ago. The 1830’s and 1840's were “an age of
great movements”. These decades showed, as had no other
age, a ‘tendency and power to exalt a people”, through
sympathy with suffering and “devotion to the progress of
the whole human race”.t The abolitionist movement was
arising, the franchise was being extended to all male adults,
women were making their demands for freedom, humani-
tarians were attempting to ameliorate conditions among the
insane and other social unfortunates, labor was organizing,
and demands were being heard for the extension of educa-
tional opportunities to the masses.

The New York Free School Society in 1822 had dwelt
upon education as a means of improving moral conditions,
preventing pauperism, diminishing crime and offenses,
encouraging individual exertion and enterprise, giving a
broader basis to political and social institutions, inculcating
virtuous maxims in the young, and rendering property more
sacred. ‘The poor, the depraved and the desperate” min-
gled together in the cities, and “a standing corps of the
base and profligate” would appear unless education were
afforded.”

E. C. Wines, a Philadelphia schoolmaster, in 1838
declared that through education of all the people, the nation
would save many millions of dollars, due to the diminution
of pauperism and the lessening of the number of criminal
prosecutions. The prisons and the poorhouses, he held
were tenanted by the uneducated, “whose hearts lack that
moral culture, which good education always bestows’’.°
Another advantage of education would be the lessening of

[13]


the influence of “theatres, circuses, gaming, horseracing, —

licentiousness and intemperance”.* In the same volume,
Wines pointed out that reform in education could come
only through reform in the teaching personnel, and that the —
surest means to provide well-educated teachers was the
establishment of teachers’ seminaries, such as were already —
established in Prussia and France.’ :
In New York, S. S. Randall effectively used the argument
that education was the best preventive measure against —
crime. He compiled statistics from the official returns of
the sheriffs to the secretary of state regarding the convictions
in the several courts of record and courts of special sessions.
From 1840 to 1848, inclusive, he showed that the whole
number of persons convicted of crimes was 27,949; of these,
1132 had received a ‘common school” education; 414 had
a ‘tolerably good education’; only 128 were “well edu-
cated”. Of the remaining 26,225, only about half were able
to read and write at all. ‘The residue were destitute of any
education whatever’.

Horace Mann, in a classic address in 1839, set forth soci-
cty's right and obligation to educate the child even in the

face of parental objections. He based his argument largely _

upon the grounds of society’s right to protect itself from
crime and poverty.’ |

Stephen Simpson in 1831 wrote “Give education to the
people, and you give them the spur to every virtue; the rein
to every vice. Look into the cells of your prisons! By
whom are they tenanted? By the ignorant, or the recipients
of charity school. . . .”* He also declared the aim of the
friends of liberty was to enlighten the people through
education and thus “promote and cement public virtue’.? —

Robert Rantoul, jr., declared that “after all, the great
work of reformation is to be effected in the schools them-
selves, and in the qualifications of the teachers more espe-
cially’’.*° 3

[ 14 }


Dr. William Channing, in 1837, declared in an address:
“We need an institution for the formation of better teach-
ers; and until this step is taken, we can make no important
progress. The most crying want in this Commonwealth is
the want of accomplished teachers... . Without good
teaching, a school is but a name’.

Daniel Webster said of public education, “we regard it
as a wise and liberal system of police, by which property and
life and peace of society are secured”.’* Such a statement
shows that in the minds of some persons, “education was as
much a means of restraint as of improvement’, as Dobbs
said was the case in England about this same period.”

In a western state, the sentiment took the following flow-
_ ery form: ™*

Far better to pay taxes which will rise like vapors to descend in
refreshing showers, than to build jails, penitentiaries and almshouses
to relieve wretchedness and punish crime which a wholesome educa-
tion might have prevented.

Horace Mann held that for the creation of wealth, “‘intel-

_ ligence is the grand condition” and that “education creates
or develops new treasures—treasures not before possessed
or dreamed of by any one”. Any political economy which
dealt with supply and demand, interest and rents, favorable
and unfavorable trade balances, but neglected the subject
of education, he said, was “naught but stupendous folly’.”°
Massachusetts property, he held, was pledged to the edu-
cation of all its youth up to such a point as would “save
them from poverty and vice, and prepare them for the ade-
quate performance of their social and civil duties”."* Mann
was interested in more than literacy alone; he and his fellow
reformers regarded universal education as the only salvation
of democracy. At the same time they were pointing out the
defects and needs of the common schools, Mann and his
fellow reformers were also showing the desirability of
having well trained teachers. In several counties, Mann
spoke on teacher training.” He believed in normal schools

[15]


as the bulwark of the common school system, for “if the

character and qualifications of teachers be allowed to degen- —

erate, the Free Schools will become pauper schools, and the
pauper schools will produce pauper souls”.”®

Although the arguments then advanced by the reformers
now seem to be exaggerated—at least regarding the sup-
posed influence of a purely intellectual education upon the
diminution of crime or poverty—"they were important

factors in the struggle for tax-supported schools, and they

appealed to a class in the community who were indifferent
as to all the other arguments advanced”.*” We need not
here be concerned with the validity of the arguments; we
are primarily interested in their influence upon the public
mind, whether valid or not.

If the common school system was improved and extended
as a result of the missionary work of these educational
propagandists—and they have generally been credited with
considerable influence—then they must be credited also
with a great, although perhaps less direct, influence upon
teacher training. One could not accept their thesis of the
sociological value of education and at the same time be con-
tent with the poorly trained and often dissolute teachers of
the time.

If one may attempt to construct a logical argument, appro-
priate to the rise of the common school, from the speeches
and papers of several of the propagandists, it would run
thus: educated persons can provide for their own wants.
They become good citizens and do not commit crimes.
Schools, free for all, are necessary to assure the blessings
of education to all. ‘As is the teacher, so is the school”.
Adequately prepared teachers are necessary for the schools.
Since no other adequate means is available for the training
of teachers, the state must assume the responsibility.

Although a system of common schools had been per-
manently established in New York by legislative act in

[ 16 ]


—
ogee

1812, much remained to be done to bring an adequate edu-
cation to the children of the state. The law of 1812 merely
appropriated approximately twenty dollars annually to each
of the school districts of the state, and provided for the
appointment of a state superintendent of common schools.
The schools needed to be kept open only three months; not
every district was required to keep a school, and attendance
was not compulsory. Although Gideon Hawley, the first
state superintendent, and his successors had administered
the office well, and though Hawley even sent a circular of
instructions on educational methods to each of the school
districts, the state as a whole had a pathetically poor system
of common schools in the 1830's and 1840’s.

Since the state subsidy to the local districts was entirely

inadequate, and since the districts were legally entitled to

taise taxes only for the building or repair of a school house,
the iniquitous rate-bill was an integral part of the system.
Parents, except paupers, were required to pay their propor-
tion of the difference between the state subsidy and the
actual salary of the teacher. This rate bill encouraged not
attendance at but absence from school; for each day a child
remained at home, his parent saved a few cents. The result
was that only a small percentage of the children of the state
attended school regularly for even the limited term of three
months. Though Gideon Hawley could report that ninety-
six per cent of the children in the state had been in attend-
ance at district schools for at least part of the school year,
the educational conditions were far poorer than appears
from his statement. The “catch” was in the part of the
school year, for frequently this part was a very small part
indeed.

Even when the children did attend school, they could
hope to learn little more than the bare rudiments of a com-
mon school education. The curriculum was limited, and
rare was the teacher who had a competent mastery of even
that. [17]


The teacher probably fell into one of these categories:
an itinerant Ichabod Crane who had failed at all other voca-
tions and thus settled’ down to a life of taking his spite

against society out on the children of the districts; a local.

young man who earned pocket money during the winter,
an off-season for the farmer, by “keeping school’’; a local
young woman who. taught in the summer while waiting for
an offer of matrimony—an offer which sometimes never
came; a young man who was earning his way through an
academy or college, or was teaching while studying law.
There were few who committed themselves to a life-time of
teaching, other than as a last desperate effort in the survival
of the unfittest. |

Common faults of school teachers, according to a report
of 1843, were licentiousness, no knowledge of subject mat-
ter or of the art of teaching, the fact that they were teaching
merely in their spare time, and that they commonly were
instructing in grades which they had never themselves
achieved.”

Obstacles in the way of making teaching a profession
were the low salaries, ranging from seven dollars a month
for women to fifteen dollars a month for men; the lack of
constant employment throughout the year; the low estima-
tion in which teaching was held by the general public—no
wonder!—and the absence of means for the education of
teachers.”

The deputy superintendent of Madison County con-
tended that “the great defect of our teachers, and the most
difficult to remedy is that they have no knowledge of the
science or art of teaching” * while the superintendent from
Allegany County divided teachers, into four classes.” First,
there were those who “‘teach the pupils to think for them-
selves; they learn (sic!) them that an education involves
something more than a mere knowledge of stereotyped
books”. The second class “teach more words than ideas’,

{18 ]


largely due to an “‘absence of capacity to impart instruction’’,
though this class was “not without devotion to the cause’.
The third class was “ordinary indeed’, for they engaged in
teaching only “‘to earn a bit of money” and failed to accom-
plish “the object for which a teacher should labor” and
produced ‘human parrots”. The fourth class were ‘“decid-
edly bad teachers’, devoted to vice and idleness.
The testimony from Rockland County ran thus: *

I found the school-house very small and old but still quite com-
fortable, enclosing about 25 scholars, well drilled, for like a watch,
they only needed to be wound and started in the morning, and their
motion was regular throughout the day. . . . Perched upon a high
stool, his cudgel in his hand, sat the master, a middle-aged man, with
a face blue and purple . . . with a pair of glasses astride his nose,
looking as ee as though he were presiding over the deliberative
councils of a nation. System and regularity were not only evinced
in his school in the regular routine of his exercises, but his holiday
Saturdays were just as regularly and systematically devoted to what in
those days was commonly called a spree.

The superintendent of Jefferson County, in 1844, was
convinced “that the grand defect of our teachers is ignor-
ance of the art of governing and instructing the mind”. He
held that “our teachers need teaching” and noted optimis-
tically that “it is a source of comfort and happiness to know
that an institution is about to be organized for that pur-
Ose,

Dr. Alonzo Potter held that “the greatest calamity’’ that

could befall the education of a people was “‘to have teachers

without competent knowledge; with no aptness to teach or
govern; and who feel, at the same time, no strong desire to
improve themselves, nor any deep sense of their responsi-
bility to God, and to their youthful charge”. *

William F. Phelps, who had taught in Cayuga County
before entering the State Normal School in 1844, described
the common schools in his part of the state, thus: ”

The common schools were merely rudimentary in their character.
Only the elements were attempted to be taught, and even this work
was of an almost purely mechanical type. There was little or no
appeal to the understanding and the intelligence, as a general rule.

[19]


Blind groping best expresses the average tendency of the learning
and the teaching. The teachers, themselves, as a class, were persons
of limited attainments, with no rational ideas of method and no skill
in adapting their instruction to the wants and capacities of their pupils.
The schools had scarcely anything that approached a system of organ-
ization. Moral instruction was unknown. The rod was the supreme
appeal in cases of discipline. There was little public interest in the
schools. . . . The schoolhouses were small, badly built, ill-constructed,
ill-furnished, and ill-adapted to their intended purposes. The school-
books then in use were of the crudest kind in composition, arrange-
ment, and adaptation to the needs of the pupils. Blackboards, maps,
charts, and apparatus for illustration were rarely found in the schools
or, if there, were allowed to ‘rust unused’; mechanical routine was
the order of the day. The ability to preserve order was regarded as
the leading qualification of the teacher. Cramming the memory with
words, the meaning of which was a matter of chance, was the chief
aim. Teacher and taught were often in antagonism. The power of
love as a means of discipline was almost unknown. There was no
recognition of educational principles. To teach was simply to impart.
To memorize was the chief end of learning.

For some time after New York State had established a
system of common schools, practically no attention was paid
to the qualifications of the teachers who were to teach in
these schools. While it is true that the law establishing the
common schools upon a permanent basis in 1812 did require
that the district school inspectors should examine the teach-
ers to be employed in the district schools, no effort was made
at that time by the state to assure to the inspectors competent
candidates to examine. The assumption, in general, was
that the teachers should have three principal qualifications:
ability to discipline, some command of subject matter of the
elementary curriculum, and “good moral character”. The
local inspectors were to decide what emphasis to place upon
each of these qualifications, and were free to hire for their
schools whomever they chose.

The idea was scarcely existent in America that teachers
should be especially trained for their work before they
entered upon it. There was no body of pedagogy extant
in this country, other than rule-of-thumb procedures devel-
oped by the persons then teaching. There were no books

dealing with pedagogy. To have expected the state, at that
[20 }


early day, to manifest an interest in the professional prepa-
ration of teachers would have been a most naive—and revo-
lutionary—assumption. :

While Richard Mulcaster, in England, had probably

originated the idea of preparing teachers as early as 1561, —

the first known suggestion in America for the thorough
training of teachers was made in the June, 1789 issue of the
Massachusetts Magazine. The author, probably Elisha
Ticknor, said: “There should be a public grammar school
established in every county of the state . . . in order to fit
young gentlemen for college and school keeping”. In 1816,
- Denison Olmsted, upon the occasion of his receiving a
master’s degree at Yale College, stated that “nothing was
wanted in order to raise all our common branches to a far
higher level . . . but competent teachers and the necessary
books’’. He advocated that a “seminary for teachers” should
be established by the state, with instruction gratis, the pupils
“to study and recite whatever they were themselves after-
wards to teach, partly for the purpose of acquiring a more
perfect knowledge of these subjects, and partly learning
from the methods adopted by the principal the best modes
of teaching”.

Once abroad in America, the idea of special preparation
of teachers made rapid headway. In 1823, the Rev. Samuel
R. Hall opened the first seminary in America exclusively
for the education of teachers. This school was at Concord,
Vermont. Hall soon published “Lectures on School Keep-
ing’, the first professional book in education to be published
in the United States. Hall’s school was similar to the acade-
mies of the time, departing from them only in presenting
a new study called “the art of teaching”.

Sponsored by such men as the Rev. Thomas H. Gallaudet,
James G. Carter, George B. Emerson, and many other New
Englanders, the movement for the better education of teach-
efs soon gained considerable attention.

[21]

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yams Bes,

DeWitt Clinton was the first figure in the public life of
New York to discuss the problem. In his annual message

to the legislature in January, 1826, he said: 8 3

With a full admission of the merits of several who now officiate in
that capacity, still it must be conceded that the information of many
of the instructors of our common schools, does not extend beyond the
rudimental education; that our expanding population requires con-
stant accessions to their numbers, and that to realize these views, it —
is necessary that some new plan for obtaining able teachers, should
be devised; I therefore recommend a seminary for the education of
teachers in the monitorial system of instruction, and in those useful
branches of knowledge which are proper to engraft upon elementary
attainments.

Succeeding governors returned to the problem. Gover-
nor Enos T. Throop in 1830 pointed out that “the want of
competent teachers is a difficulty. .. . To devise a remedy
is well worthy of further efforts”? In 1834, Governor
William Marcy said that to appropriate money for common
schools was not enough. Little had been done to provide
teachers, but “‘without well qualified and skillful instruc-
tors, the amplest funds will prove comparatively useless’.
Seminaries “of a more elevated rank should be established
and cherished for many reasons, and for this particularly,
that upon them we must, in great measure, depend for
competent teachers of the common schools”’.®°

Only four months after Governor Marcy’s message was
transmitted, the legislature passed an act which provided
for the subsidizing, from state funds, of teacher training in
certain academies to be designated by the Regents of the
University of the State of New York."* This was the first
legislative appropriation in any American state for the estab- _
lishment of teacher training institutions. New York was
thus the first state to assume the obligation of preparing
teachers for the common schools.

Another stimulus to the awakening of public conscious-
ness to the need for well-trained teachers was the work of _
the Public School Society of the City of New York. As

{ 22]


eatly as 1814, the trustees of the society—then known as
the Free School Society—declared it one of their objects “to
train up young men for the office of instructor” in schools
of the Lancasterian type.** Fitzpatrick states that this was
the first actual provision in the United States for the special
preparation of teachers in other than the subject matter they
were expected to teach.“ As president of this society for
several years, DeWitt Clinton frequently recommended per-
sons qualified to conduct monitorial schools. In 1826, the
same year that Governor Clinton urged the legislature to
provide ‘‘a seminary for the education of teachers’, a com-
mittee of the Public School Society was named to memorial-
ize the legislature for aid in the founding of such a school,
but “in consequence of the difference of views entertained
in relation to so important a measure, it was finally suffered
to rest without decision’’.*

A training school for teachers, open one day a week, for
the in-service training of teachers, was established in New
York City in 1834. From 1834 to 1853, such schools pre-
pared 1,150 teachers for New York City.*

A detailed reading of the minutes of the Board of Re-
gents shows that their first reference to the need for provid-
ing teachers for the common schools was made in 1821.
Speaking of the academies under their visitation, the Re-
gents said: *°

When it is recollected that it is to these seminaries that we must
look for a supply of teachers for the common schools, as well as for
the occasional rise of humble merit from obscurity, the Regents trust
they shall be enabled to extend the sphere of their bounty . . . by
such additional appropriations to the Literature Fund as the finances
and resources of the State may warrant.

In their 1828 report, the Regents said that the academies
had become “what it has always been desirable they should
be, fit seminaries for imparting instruction in the higher
branches of English education, and especially for qualify-

ing teachers of common schools”. *
[23]


The next year, the Regents reported that *

Many of the pupils educated in the Academies are intending them-
selves to become instructors of youth in the Common Schools. The
benefits heretofore anticipated in this respect, are beginning to be ~
realized; the Academies are annually sending forth well-instructed
teachers; and there is every reason to hope for a gradual but constant
improvement in the means of general education.

In 1827, Stephen Van Rensselaer offered the Rensselaer
school in Troy to the state to put into practical operation the
recommendation made by Governor Clinton the previous
year. The governor commended the suggestion, but the
legislature took no action.*® Thus, only through legislative
apathy did the future Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute fail
to become a state normal school.

The citizens of Rochester, in 1830, memorialized the leg-
islature upon the subject of public education and teacher
training. Specifically, they sought the establishment of
state seminaries for the education of teachers.*” Here was
the voice of the pioneer section of the state demanding a
state normal school nine years before one was. established
anywhere in America.

By 1832, the demand for the establishment of separate
institutions for the training of teachers, after the Prussian
system which had been publicized in this country as early
as 1825, became so insistent that the Regents felt it necessary
to treat of the problem in detail, in relation to the needs of
the public schools of the state. This report of the Regents
to the Legislature is of considerable historic importance,
for it is the justification of the establishment of teacher
training departments in the already existing academies
rather than the founding of normal schools. Had the
Regents been convinced of the superiority of normal schools
over departments in the academies, New York might have
had the honor of establishing the first state-supported. nor-
mal school on the continent. The act of 1834 was undoubt-
edly passed largely thtough the influence of this report of
the Regents. [24]


After reviewing the report of the superintendent of com-
mon schools on the state of elementary education, the
Regents declared that *

however complete in other respects the system may be, it is manifest
that a sufficient supply of competent teachers’ is indispensable to its
efficiency. The truth of this position is too obvious to be disputed ;
but there has been a contrariety of opinion with regard to the best
mode of providing them. With some it has been a favorite theory to
provide for their education at the public expense by the institution of
a State seminary with branches in several senatorial districts. ‘This
plan does not differ materially from that which has been adopted in
some European countries.

The example of Prussia in particular was cited by the
Regents, but they concluded that the essential differences
between the Prussian and New York schools, and the dif-
ference between the strict Prussian state control of educa-
tion and the American system of /Jaissez-faire, modified by
grants, would of necessity preclude a successful adoption of
the Prussian system in America.

Speaking unfavorably of the compulsion employed in
Prussian education, the Regents said that it might seem
more proper in a political organization like the American,
“the best security of which is a diffused intelligence’’, to
compel parents to educate their children, but “our rule is,
in all things not manifestly essential to the operations of
government, to persuade rather than coerce”. American
public opinion “would hardly endure a system like that
which exists in Prussia’. If the state were to establish a
seminary for teachers, there would be no assurance that
the persons qualified in this institution would be employed
by the school districts. No method of compelling such
employment would be practicable.*

At the present time, considering the highly centralized
system of education in the state of New York, it is difficult
to realize the advocacy of laissez-faire on the part of the
Regents but a century ago. Further, it is difficult to see

just how the institution of a state-supported normal school

[ 25 }


would in any way interfere with the traditional American —
individualism, but to the Regents in 1832, the danger —
existed, whether real or imaginary. i<

Another objection to the Prussian system was the fact
that it was probable that

many individuals would unquestionably be tempted, after receiving —
their education as teachers, to abandon that calling for the higher
rewards of others, and thus the munificence of the public would be
expended for individual benefit. aks
It was therefore conceived (as the Regents think, wisely), that the
academies should become the nurseries of the instructors for common
schools, leaving it to the interest of individuals to prepare themselves
for the business of teaching, to the interest of the academies to provide
the means of their preparation, and to the liberality of the school dis-
tricts to offer sufficient wages to secure their services.** :

The Regents manifested considerable satisfaction in
reporting a fact “of immense importance” as evidence
that this supposed view of the legislature was bearing fruit,
“although dissented from at that time by many intelligent
individuals”. This fact was that the St. Lawrence Academy
at Potsdam, St. Lawrence County, had sent out within the
last year eighty teachers of common schools, and that a part
of the course of study consisted of “lectures upon the prin-
ciples of teaching’. “* It was said that “the superiority
which the St. Lawrence Academy has acquired in this
respect is to be ascribed altogether to the new branch of
instruction introduced into it’.

Nor, according to the Regents, need the distinction of
this academy be unique. There was at least one academy
in each senatorial district equally capable of accomplishing
the same result by adopting the same measures. The Cana-
daigua Academy in Ontario County had introduced a simi-.
lar course in teaching, but the results had not been reported ©
officially to the Regents.

“There is no doubt’, said the Regents, “that a thousand
instructors might readily be prepared annually for the com-
mon schools, a number exceeding by nearly two hundred
the average number supplied by the seminaries of Prussia’.

[ 26}


: ee ies - Sa ee ieee :
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With the academies able to turn out this number of teach- Hi
ers, the argument ran, it only remained for the common i
school districts to offer wages that would be commensurate : HP
with the wages earned in other occupations, in order to
obtain good teachers.

No doubt was expressed as to the advisability of pro-
viding for the education of teachers. The question at issue
was only the means of providing this professional educa- iq
tion. With the aid of recently published materials on the i
science and art of teaching, and with a course of instruction i
such as that offered at the St. Lawrence Academy, teachers A,
could “attain, in a very short time, to qualifications which
would otherwise be the fruit of long and painful experi.
ence, equally embarrassing to themselves, and fatal to the Hh,
progress of their pupils”. ae

In view of all the preceding consideration, the Regent:
were therefore “decidedly of opinion that the academic:
are the proper instruments for accomplishing the grea’
object of supplying the common schools with teachers” th
The academies, in addition to the other advantages, had {}
already large edifices, in some cases large permanent funds |
and “philosophical apparatus”. The value of this equip-
ment and real estate was shown in an accompanying abstract
to be approximately a half million dollars.

By engrafting upon the then existent course of studie:
a department of instruction in the principles of teaching,
“the respectability and capacities” of instruction would be i
increased, and “those who are qualifying themselves for the i
business of instruction may enjoy the benefits of all the i
other branches, which enter into the ordinary academic |
course. In every point of view it is conceived that this is ii
the most advisable method of preparing instructors”. Un- |
der this impression, the Regents recommended an addi-
tional appropriation for the object of educating common

[27]


school teachers in the academies, if the condition of the —

public finances warranted such a procedure.
The report to the legislature closed with the remark that

when these institutions shall send forth a regular supply of well-
qualified instructors . . . our system of elementary instruction will
be complete; and this department of the government will, by contrib-
uting to close up the sources of ignorance and vice, have done all that
properly falls to its province to give strength and duration to all civil
liberties.47

Throughout the whole period, the question of whether
the state should establish normal schools or grant state aid
to the academies under the supervision of the Regents wa:
much agitated. John C. Spencer, a member of the litera-
ture committee of the Senate in 1826, said in his report to
that body: *

It is obvious that the suggestion of the governor, in his message
respecting the establishment of an institution especially for the pur-
pose of educating teachers, will not answer the exigencies of the case.
It is entitled to much weight, however, as a means, in conjunction
with other, to effect the object. But in the views which the committee
have taken, our great reliance for nurseries of teachers must be placed
on our colleges and academies. If they do not answer the purpose,
they can be of very little use. That is owing to inherent defects in
the system of studies pursued there. . . . The committee admit that
the establishment of a separate institution for the sole purpose of pre-
paring teachers would be a most valuable auxiliary especially if they
were prepared to teach on the monitorial plan. They hesitate to recom-
mend its sea oe now, chiefly because the other measures which they
intend to submit, and which they conceive to be more immediately
necessary, will involve as much expense as ought now to be incurred.

- But they fondly anticipate the time when the means of the state will
be commensurate with the public spirit of its législature, and when

such an institution will be founded on a scale equal to our wants’

and resources.

By 1833, four academies were making special effort to

prepare teachers of the common schools, without receiving |

any aid from the state other than their regular share of the
literature fund, apportioned on the basis of the number of

classical students enrolled.** The Regents said in their
report that they were

gratified to learn, from the reports of this year, that the St. Lakes
Canandaigua, Oxford and Lowville Academies have pursued the

[28]

EERO ETNIES PTS

ee 2 oe

oe ee

course of giving instruction with the special view of qualifying the
students to become teachers. The report of the Canandaigua Academy
states, that fifty teachers have been furnished by that institution during
the last two years; and Lowville Academy, as stated by the trustees,
has furnished twenty teachers last year.

The Regents were of a less optimistic frame of mind in
February, 1834, as their report to the legislature shows.”
In some of the academies, they said, “a considerable number
of common school teachers” had been trained and sent out
into the district schools. “In this respect, the St. Lawrence
and Oxford academies deserve, as heretofore, special com-
mendation; but the Regents regret that it is not in their
power to extend this commendation to many other acade-
mies”. They had hoped that their frequently expressed
opinion in favor of the establishment of teacher training
departments in every academy would have secured “both
from the trustees and teachers of academies, much more
attention to the subject than appears to have been bestowed
upon it”. The Regents then declared that if they were
empowered by law to make some discrimination in the
distribution of the state literature fund, so as to increase
the “distributive share of each academy in proportion to
the number of common school teachers educated in it, they
would be able to hold out greater inducements for the edu-
cation of such teachers than heretofore offered by them”.

This recommendation by the Regents was the origin of
the policy of the state in making a special grant to the acade-
mies for teacher training purposes, as enacted in the law of
1834. Three months after the Regents had submitted this
recommendation, the legislature passed the act which
granted an additional sum of state aid to the academies
which were designated by the Regents to train teachers.

In 1834, the two academies singled out by the Regents for
special commendation—St. Lawrence and Oxford—had
ninety and seventy-seven students, respectively. Of these,
St. Lawrence claimed seventy-seven as being in the classical

_{29]

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“or higher branches of English education” and Oxford
claimed forty-four. It could not be assumed that all, o:
even a majority, of these students professed to make teach-
ing a life work. It was a well-known fact that often the

academy graduates taught school for a year or two, until a

more desirable vocation offered itself. In fact, throughout
the nineteenth century, it was customary for poor boys who
aspired to become lawyers or doctors, to “keep school” for
a few years, in order to earn expenses necessary for prepara-
tion in the professions. Many young men even earned thei:
expenses through college by teaching during the frequent
“vacations”, or by alternating their college attendance with

“school-keeping”. Despite all our professional advance,

we have not yet seen an end to this system of earning one’s
way through college and professional school; but the

increasing standards for entrance into teaching, even as a

temporary vocation, have made such a practice more difficult,
and less desirable.

The small number of the persons prepared for teaching
in these two New York academies and the low status ot
total absence of teacher training in the other academic:
indicated to the legislature that some additional steps must
be taken to assure an adequate supply of teachers to the
common schools. The legislature chose to make it finan-
cially worth while for the academies to install training
departments. The step taken was that which the Regents
had expressed a desire to take,—‘‘discrimination in the
distribution” of state funds. On May 2, 1834, the legisla-
ture passed “An Act Concerning the Literature Fund”,
authorizing the Regents to apply the excess of the annual
revenue, over the sum of $12,000, to the academies subject
to their visitation, or to a portion of them, to be expended
in educating teachers of the common schools, according to
regulations to be prescribed by the Regents.

{ 30]

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_ The Regents decided to limit this state subsidy to eight
academies—one in each senatorial district. The designated
academies should establish “‘a department for the education
of teachers of common schools”, and would each receive
$400 annually to maintain such departments.”

It is evident throughout this whole period that the
Regents, as well as the legislature, placed great reliance
upon'the already established academies as potential sources
of teachers. Such a reliance is not strange, when one con-
siders that separate public institutions for the training of
teachers had not yet been successfully introduced into this
country, and when one considers that the academies were
peculiarly the children of the Regents. To have expected
the Regents to favor a non-American system of normal
schools over the indigenous academies would have been
to expect a parent to forsake his children. Naturally, the
Regents had a considerable pride in the academies and were
confident that these institutions were capable of preparing
teachers.

In 1837, there were 278 students enrolled in the course
in the teachers’ department of these eight designated acade
mies. “A greater degree of success could not perhaps have
been reasonably anticipated”, the Regents remarked.
Numerous other academies sought to be designated, but
the Regents limited the training subsidy to the original
eight departments until 1841, when the number was
increased to sixteen.** In the meantime, a law of 1838
required each academy receiving more than $700 as its dis-
tributive share of the literature fund to maintain a teachers’
department, without an additional grant.™

To ascertain the practical workings of the teacher train-
ing departments in the academies, John C. Spencer, the
secretary of state and ex officio superintendent of common
schools, appointed Dr. Alonzo Potter of Union College and
D. H. Little of Cherry Valley to examine such departments

{ 31}


-

and to make reports with recommendations. Both Dr. Pot-
ter and Mr. Little found much good work being carried on,
and both found certain conditions which needed to be
improved. Mr. Little suggested an annual inspection of
the teachers’ departments. Mr. Little rejected the idea
that these departments be wholly abolished ‘‘and two or
more academies be established solely for the instruction
of teachers”. He did not entertain the suggestion favor-
ably, for the reason that it would involve a useless expendi-
ture of funds. “Many, and indeed most of the studies,
necessary to be taught, to a person fitting for a teacher, are
the same as those pursued by other students”.

Dr. Potter’s report was more comprehensive. His prin-
cipal findings may be summarized thus: *

1. The students in the teachers’ departments made good progress, but
they pursued the higher branches, to the neglect of the subjects
they were to teach in the common schools.

2. The students remained at the academies only a fraction of the time

contemplated by the Regents.

Seldom was any practice teaching offered. However, most of the

students had kad some teaching experience before entering the

academies. :

4. The students usually expected to teach after leaving the depart-
ments, but not many planned to choose teaching as a life work.
Their teaching was usually for only a few years.

5. The principal defect of the system was that by associating in a
common institution with other students who were preparing for
other vocations, prospective teachers were often induced to give
up teaching for some other interest.

Uo

Professor Potter concluded that normal schools, such as
those of France and Prussia, possessed certain advantages
over the departments engrafted on the academies. While
he would not propose abolishing the latter, it occurred tc
him to suggest, ‘‘as supplementary to our present system’,
the establishment of a state normal school “might be em
nently useful’.

Superintendent Spencer, however, did not agree. An
ardent partisan of the academies, he said he saw no need
for a normal school, since the academies were training

{ 32]


teachers satisfactorily. His plan to increase the number of
_ teachers was to extend the teachers’ departments to all the
academies in the state.”’ ;

In 1842, when Secretary Spencer became secretary of war
in President Tyler’s cabinet, Colonel Samuel Young suc-
ceeded to the office of secretary of state and ex officio super-
_intendent of common schools. One of his first official acts
was to call a notable meeting of the deputy superintendents
of common schools in Utica. Leading educational figures
present, largely through Colonel Young’s influence, in-
_ duded Horace Mann, George B. Emerson, William Gal-

 laudet, Dr. Alonzo Potter and Francis Dwight of Albany.
Resolutions in favor of the establishment of a normal school
were passed at this convention after Mr. Mann had made
an ardent plea in behalf of such an institution. To him, he
said, no fact was more self-evident than that special profes-
sional preparation was necessary for successful teaching.
He declared he could wish the state of New York no better
fortune than that she should “crown all her noble education
works” by the establishment of one or more normal schools,
like those Massachusetts had established three years be-
fore.”*

Colonel Young recommended to the Regents that th:
appropriation from the literature fund to the several acade-
mies then designated for the preparation of teachers should
_ be divided equally among four academies, to be designated
by the Regents. The designation of the other academic
was to be withdrawn. These four academies were to be
located in the four sections of the state, one each in the
‘northern, southern, eastern, and western sections. This
plan, he believed, would serve the interests of the common
schools better than the system then in practice, “for the
elevation of the character and qualifications of teachers will
be far more certainly and effectually promised”.

[ 33]


The pecuniary encouragement would be, under the new
plan,

sufficiently liberal to induce these institutions to direct their principal
efforts to the accomplishment of these great objects; and under proper
regulations, without any violent changes, the Classical branches might
gradually be merged in the Teachers Departments, and each be. thus
converted, without expense for buildings or apparatus into an efficient
Normal school.®°

At the same time, Colonel Young recommended in addi-
tion to this action, that a sufficient sum be appropriated
annually from the literature fund “‘to establish and maintain

a Normal School of the highest grade in the City of
Albany”. He believed that

between this school and the institutions connected with the academies
to be selected in each of the four great districts of the State, a constant
and healthful action and reaction might be maintained, each com-
municating and receiving every new and useful improvement in edu-
cational science.

This last sentence may be regarded as a prophecy, for in
later years just such a relationship existed between the
Albany Normal School and the other normal schools and
the teacher training departments in the academies of the
state.

This communication from Superintendent Young to the
Regents was referred to a committee of three members,
consisting of Regents Gideon Hawley, John Keyes Paige,
and the secretary of state. Colonel Young, then, as secre-
tary of state and ex officio a Regent, helped consider the
report which he, as secretary of state and ex officio superin-
tendent of common schools, had submitted to the Regents.
The recommendations were duly considered, and on April
11, 1843, Gideon Hawley reported that the committee con-
curred with the superintendent of common schools in the
opinion expressed in his communication, that the state
appropriation from the literature fund for teacher training
should be limited to four academies.”

{ 34]

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The committee agreed that the distribution of $4800
among fifteen or sixteen institutions was a poor procedure,

for the amount allotted to each was too small to accomplish

the objects of the appropriation. Furthermore, the depart-
ments under the then existing organization were “generally
considered and treated by the several academies in which
they are established, as mere appendages, temporary in
duration and secondary in importance”.

The reduction of the number of designated academies

to four, and the consequent increase in the annual aid to

each from $300 to $1200 would put the departments in an
entirely different relationship to the academies. “They will
then, instead of being as now secondary, become primary
objects of attention and regard”. In consideration of such
an increase in state aid, it could reasonably be expected
that the principals of the four academies would “‘be selected
with special reference to their qualifications to conduct
such departments, and the students who attend them with-
out being subject to any additional charges, will have
greatly increased advantages for improvement”.

Early in 1843, Colonel Young was authorized, by Regents
ordinance, to take all the steps necessary to carry out his
plan. In January, 1844, he made a statement to the Regents
of his procedure under this ordinance, but just what actior
he had taken is not indicated.”

In view of the impending legislation for the creation o:
a state normal school at Albany, it is not illogical to infer
that the superintendent wished to delay the designation of
these four academies for a time. In his annual report for
1844, published some months later, Colonel Young said
that in conformity with his suggestion, the Regents had
withheld from the sixteen academies in which teachers’
departments had been established the sums which they had
previously received; but that when it came time to designate

{ 35]


the four academies to be converted into normal schools,
it was discovered that although such schools would be sub-

ject to no rent or expense for apparatus, they could not be

maintained with the annual appropriation of $1200 each.
“A fitst rate teacher in such an establishment cannot be
procured short of $1500 a year; and it is believed that at
the commencement of the system, none but the best should
be employed”. It would appear, then, that lack of suff-
cient funds and perhaps the uncertainty as to the outcome
of the proposed establishment of a normal school in Albany
served to delay, and eventually prevent, the designation of
these four academies to be converted into normal schools.
They were never designated, partly perhaps because it was
felt best not to try the normal school experiment on too
large a scale. One normal school in Albany, under the
close watch of the state superintendent, might conceivably
make out a better case for normal schools than four addi-
tional institutions scattered in several parts of the state.
Colonel Young had a valuable and tireless co-worker,
Calvin T. Hulburd, the chairman of the assembly commit-
tee on colleges, academies and common schools. Mr. Hul-
burd made a complete and thorough study of the status of
teacher training in New York, in other states and in foreign

countries. Accompanied by Francis Dwight, he visited the —

Massachusetts state normal schools, then the only institu-
tions of their kind in America.

The comprehensive report * of Mr. Hulburd and the

other members of the assembly committee on colleges,
academies and common schools, is a splendid exposition of
the case for the establishment of a state normal school in
New York. This report, which, in all likelihood, was
chiefly the work of Mr. Hulburd, shows a thorough under-
standing of educational conditions in the state. Since the
report comprises seventy pages of cogent discussion, it can
scarcely be summarized without injustice.

{ 36]

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The report discussed the progress of teacher training in
the state and elsewhere over a span of several years. It
indicted the teacher training departments of the academies
as having proved inadequate to the ends proposed in the
establishment, saying

And have the academies any just reason to complain, if they are no
longer permitted to enjoy undiminished the liberal appropriations
conferred upon them by the state for a specific object—an object
which they have not been able satisfactorily to accomplish ?

- Massachusetts was commended for the establishment of
normal schools ‘“‘while other states were deliberating”. The
Massachusetts normal schools were meeting with high
approval there, for in the towns employing the normal
school graduates, Mr. Hulburd found “not one instance of
disapprobation or disappointment expressed”. Several
expressions of commendation were cited.

The report continued with the assertion that common
school teaching in New York was not a profession, being
largely regarded as a means of temporary employment.

But this is only an admission that a defect exists in our system that
must be modified or cured before our schools can become what they
should be. . . . This evil must exist until we do have professional
teachers, and these we cannot have until we have qualified teachers—
qualified by education, by training as well as experience.**

The committee looked upon the normal school as a pos-
sible way to end the rapid turnover of teachers, for the evil
was said to be due largely to the hiring of poorly prepared
teachers and their consequent dismissal. The professiona!
education of teachers in normal schools would serve to
raise the compensation of teachers, and thus encourage
good teachers to make the profession their life work. The
situation of the poorly paid teacher who did the least pos
sible amount of work would soon be ended.”

A comparison was made between the preparation of
teachers and men in other professions. Lawyers were
required to go through a seven years course of study, three

{ 37]


years being in the office of a practicing attorney; “yet thus
far, neither common consent, nor common understanding,
nor statutory provision have required any apprenticeship,
any special education, the spending of any fixed term of
time, preparatory to entering upon an employment wherc
is laid the very foundation of all these superstructures’’.

Accompanying the report, Mr. Hulburd presented a bill
creating a state normal school at Albany. This bill was not
passed ** but a substitute bill was introduced and passed by
the legislature on May 7, 1844. It was signed by Governor
Bouck. This act provided for: ®

1. Establishment and support of a normal school in Albany “‘for the

instruction and practice of teachers of common schools in the

science of education and in the art of teaching”.

An appropriation of $9,600 from the literature fund.

3. Joint control of the normal school by the Regents and the superin-
tendent of common schools.

4. An appropriation of $10,000 annually for five years, and annually
thereafter until otherwise directed by law.

5. Appointment of a local board of five persons, of whom one should
be the state superintendent of common schools.

6. An annual report of the condition of the normal school by the
superintendent and the Regents.

~

New York had now committed herself to the normal
school experiment. The provisions made for the carrying
out of the experiment, and the problems that arose in the
first several years of the Albany Normal School will be
discussed in the next chapter.

The question now arises as to whether the state of New
York made a mistake in the establishment of the training
department in the academies in 1834. This is the opinion
that Horace Mann expressed shortly after the state had
abandoned the designation of academies to share in the
distribution of the special subsidy for the training of teach-
_ers. He said that the establishment of such departments
“was the most unfortunate step ever taken in New York
on the subject of education’, for it “cost hundreds of thou-
sands of dollars, and lost twenty years of time after the

{ 38 }

te |

necessity of more efficient means had become a conviction
in the minds of all intelligent men’.” :

Mann here seems to have indulged in a characteristic
form of exaggeration into which he occasionally lapsed
when discussing educational problems. To the present
writers, the use of such superlatives seems unwarranted.

- Dr. Fitzelle, who had studied this period, has adopted a
point of view somewhat similar to that of Horace Mann.
He said that ™

this policy of subsidizing the academies with a view of obtaining
from them the work of a normal school was especially mischievous.
For ten years the actual establishment of normal schools was deferred
by the delusion that any class of non-professional schools, especially
any class of seminaries free from public control, could be relied on
to do the most important work of professional training—the prepara-
tion of competent teachers.

There probably is no doubt at the present time that nor-
mal schools and colleges for the professional preparation
of teachers are much preferable to training departments in
secondary institutions. It is a dangerous procedure, how-
ever, to project into an evaluation of past conditions the
knowledge that has been gained only as the result of subse-
quent development. To arrive at a just solution of the
question, one must consider only conditions and factors
then in existence.

From this point of view, it seems that the establishment
of the training departments in the academies in 1834 was
a step forward, and as great a step as could be expected,
considering the then current conditions. It was the first
_ assumption by a state of the United States of the responsi-
bility for the training of teachers in a regularly supported
institution. .

Factors which would have served to defeat the establish-
ment of a state normal school in New York in 1834 were:

1. The association of the institution of normal schools under state

control with the idea of a strongly centralized form of government.
2. The objection to “Prussianism” in education.

{39}


10.

The hostility of the Regents to the founding of a normal school,
and their insistence upon the granting of state aid to the
academies.72

The objection to the state support of a normal school when the
state could not or would not compel its graduates to teach. On the
other hand, since many academies were already furnishing teachers
for the common schools, the state felt that any aid to these acad-
emies would serve to increase the number of teachers produced,
and to raise the quality of their preparation.

The fact that teaching was not yet generally considered a pro-
fession for which particular Preparation had to be made. If only
a study of advanced subjects was required, the academies were
considered the proper place to obtain such training.

The fact that a large body of persons were convinced that the
academies were the proper place for the training of teachers. It
required an actual experiment covering ten years to convince some
of these people that a better institution might be provided; and
even then, some were not convinced. Former Superintendent
Spencer is the best example.

The fact that nowhere in America had it been demonstrated that
a state normal school would be successful. It remained for the
Massachusetts norma! schools, established in 1839, to prove the
worth of such institutions,

The feeling on the part of Many persons that the education of
teachers near their homes would be more desirable than requiring
them to attend an institution in another part of the state. If the
state were to establish normal schools, the number of such insti-
tutions would of necessity be limited to one or to a few.

The economic pressure put upon prospective teachers to take as
short and as inexpensive a course of training as possible. Even as
late as 1841, Professor Potter ‘found that ptospective teachers
taking the training course in the academies very rarely remained
for the entire course prescribed by the Regents. In the Kinderhook
Academy, for instance, the students rarely remained for a total
of eight months, and these usually not for more than four months
at-a time.73

The fact that public Opinion as a whole, while rapidly progressing,
still did not demand any particular training for teachers of com.
mon schools other than graduation from those schools. Under
such conditions, to expect the legislature to establish a separate
institution especially for the training of teachers was a visionary,
though undoubtedly advanced and laudable, view to adopt.

Horace Mann’s indictment of New York ™ may be
answered by another quotation from the same man. In an
address at Bridgewater in 1846, he said that as late as 1839,
Massachusetts was the only state that could have success-
fully established normal schools.” If this statement is true,
then his other assertion about New York state is invalid.

{ 40 ]


During the period from 1834-1844, what were the posi-
tive contributions of the teacher training departments of
the academies? These may be summarized thus:

a.
2.

Be

They did supply a considerable number of teachers for the com-
mon schools of the state.

They served to bring about a closer relationship between the
apndeiiics and the common schools.

They served to produce a class of citizens who, though not them-
selves teachers, became cognizant of the problems of the public
schools, through their somewhat intimate association in the acade-
mies with persons who were preparing to be teachers.

They provided at least a minimum of professional training for
teachers who otherwise would have obtained no such training at
all. Many of the farmers who taught school only in the winter
time would not attend a normal school far from home, but would
take a short course in a near-by academy.*®

Perhaps the most valuable of all, they served to attract public
attention to the need for better trained teachers, and as such
formed a logical basis upon which normal schools could be erected
when the state of public opinion was strong enough to countenance
such a step. Thus the academies formed a bridge between the
state of no advanced training at all for teachers to the state of pro-
fessional training in separate institutions provided for that par-
ticular purpose.’7 In this, they made a contribution akin to that
of the Lancasterian schools which are widely credited with being
a valuable, though happily temporary, transition from the charity
school idea to provision of public common schools.

{ 41]



CHAPTER II

Building Firm the Foundation:
The State Normal School, 1844-1848.

[ 43 }



CHAPTER II

Building Firm the Foundation:
The State Normal School, 1844-1848.

Calvin T. Hulburd’s revised bill for the establishment of
a state normal school “for the instruction and practice of
_ teachers of common schools in the science of education and
in the art of teaching’ became a law on May 7, 1844. The
institution was to be under the joint control of the secretary
of state, who was ex officio superintendent of common
schools, and of the Regents of the University of the State
_ of New York. The secretary of the Regents having pre-
_ sented that body a copy of the act of May 7, 1844, consider-
ation of first steps in the organization of the institution
was referred to a committee consisting of the following
Regents: Chancellor Theodore Frelinghuysen, Colonel —
Samuel Young (who was a Regent ex officio by virtue of
_ being secretary of state) , Gideon Hawley and Erastus Corn-
ing. They were instructed to confer with the corporation
of the city of Albany concerning the furnishing by that
body of a proper building for the Normal School." On
May 25, the Regents appointed, with the approval of the
secretary of state, an executive committee “for the care,
management and government of the Normal School”.’
' The executive committee consisted of Colonel Young,
chairman; Regent Gideon Hawley, Francis Dwight, the
Rev. Dr. Alonzo Potter and the Rev. William H. Camp-
bell. This was an executive board of high caliber, for all
of the members were already favorably known in educa-
tional circles throughout the state. They brought to the
new venture considerable dignity and prestige—both of

which were to be sorely needed in the first years of the
Normal School.

[ 45}


Colonel Young's first appearance in the state’s public
life was as a member of the New York assembly in 1814,
representing the county of Saratoga. The next year, he was
elected speaker. From 1816 to 1840, he was a canal com-
missioner. In 1824, he was Democratic candidate for gov-
ernor, opposing De Witt Clinton. Ten years later, he was
elected a state senator, and in 1842, was appointed secretary
of state. Following his service as secretary of state, he was
again elected to the state senate.

Colonel Young was “in many respects, an extraordinary
man”. S. S. Randall, his deputy, described him thus:

Possessed of a dignified and impressive appearance and demeanor,
of statesmanlike abilities and experience, penetrating intellect, stern
morality, he combined with a fist will and strong prejudices the
utmost suavity, warm-heartedness, and openness to conviction.‘

Becoming secretary of state and ex officio superintendent
of common schools in 1842, Colonel Young had announced
his “thorough conviction of the impolicy and inefficacy of
the system of county supervision and his fixed determina-
tion to effect its discontinuance”. After having deliberated
with the county superintendents, however, he retracted his
former opinions and “became, throughout his administra-
tion and subsequent public career, one of the strongest and
most enthusiastic advocates of this plan of local supervi-
sion’. Upon one occasion, he protected a fugitive slave
from his master: he “divested himself of his coat, he fear-
lessly and indignantly confronted the claimant’’.®

Born in Dutchess County of Quaker parentage, Alonzo
Potter attended the local district school and came under the
guidance of an understanding teacher. Alonzo’s father
showed a composition written by the boy to President
Eliphalet Nott, who was then transforming Union College
into one of the leading educational institutions in the coun-
try. Dr. Nott suggested that the boy be sent to Union when
he was ready. |

[ 46}


At the age of 15, Alonzo entered Union, and was gradu-
ated at 19 with the highest honors. Among his classmates
were Francis Wayland, later president of Brown, and Wil-
liam H. Seward. Becoming an Episcopalian in 1818, Potter
decided to devote his life to the ministry, but was called
back to Union to teach. He was soon made professor of
mathematics and natural philosophy. In 1824, he was
ordained, and married the daughter of President Nott. The
next year, he was elected president of Geneva (now Ho-
bart) College, but declined. The next year, he accepted
the rectorate of the St. Paul’s Church in Boston. After
serving there several years, he returned to Union as profes-
sor of intellectual philosophy and political economy, a
position he held from 1832 to 1845. For some years, he
was vice-president of the college, as well.

Potter received the doctorate in divinity from Kenyon
College in Ohio and from Harvard. Union awarded him
the doctorate in laws. His most widely known publication
is ‘““The School and the Schoolmaster’, of which George
B. Emerson of Boston was the co-author.. In 1845, he
moved to Philadelphia, to become Protestant Episcopal
bishop of Pennsylvania. There he continued his interest
in the humanitarian movement, founding young men’s insti-
tutes, reading rooms and recreation centers; preached
against slavery and drunkenness; he started a diocesan
training school; labored for the erection of parsonages;
sought to conciliate the factions in his church which resulted
from the tractarian controversy; founded an Episcopal
hospital; was a prime mover in the organization of an insti-
tution for the care of feeble-minded and idiotic persons;
and served as a trustee of the University of Pennsylvania.’

Francis Dwight was editor of the District School Journal
of the State of New York, an influential pedagogical jour-
nal of the period, published in Albany. While it never
quite attained the fame of Horace Mann's Common School

{ 47]


Journal or of Henry Barnard’s American Journal of Edu-
cation, it did serve well the cause of public education in
New York state from its founding in 1840 until Dwight’s
death in 1845. Dwight was a gtaduate of Phillips-Exeter
Academy, and of Harvard College in 1827. He studied
law at Northhampton, but after practicing in Massachusetts
and the Michigan Territory until 1838, he returned to
Geneva and soon became interested in public education
and the Lyceum movement. It was this interest which
encouraged him to establish the District School Journal,
which soon became the official organ of the state superin-
tendent of common schools. He “was able to keep his
little monthly on a high plane, and so to make it of real
service to the state’’.® Though only 37 years of age at his
death in 1845, he “had already won the esteem, however,
of educators throughout the eastern United States and had
done notable work for the public schools of New York’.”
The fourth member of the executive committee, William
Henry Campbell, had begun his interest in education as an
assistant teacher at the old Erasmus Hall Academy, Flat-
bush, Long Island, and was Principal in 1833-1839. From
1841 to 1848, he was pastor of the Third Reformed Church
in Albany. From 1848 to 1851, he was principal of the
Academy, leaving this position to become professor of Ori-
ental literature in the New Brunswick Seminary and pro-
fessor of belles-lettres in Rutgers College, 1851-1863.
From 1863 until 1881, he was president of Rutgers.”
Perhaps the best-known member of the committee was
Gideon Hawley, a graduate of Union College. Like
Dwight, he had prepared for the bar and had practiced law.
In 1813, he was named the first state superintendent of
common schools, under the permanent schools act of 1812.
This office he administered with a high degree of profes-
sional leadership until a change in the political control of
the state council of appointments caused him to be removed

[ 48 }


in 1821. While the modern writer, surveying the present
greatness of the free, public universal educational system
of New York, may regret Hawley’s apparently narrow view
regarding the rate-bills assessed upon parents to pay, in part,
the cost of common school education, he must bear in mind
that New York was still suffering from the incubus of the
English laissez-faire attitude which looked upon education
primarily as a family concern. To have expected Hawley
to have the broad vision which would have demanded com-
pletely free schools for all the children of all the people,
would have been expecting too much, in the light of the
then-existing sociological conditions. It must be borne in
mind that New York did not get around to the abolition
of the rate bill until 1867, and then only after a bitter,
hard-fought campaign of several decades. Perhaps even
Horace Mann, if brought up under the social conditions
of Hawley in New York, might not have had the more
liberal breadth of educational statesmanship that the morc
hospitable soil of Massachusetts nourished.

Hawley’s “Instructions for the Better Government and
Organization of Common Schools’, issued widespread
_ throughout the state, made a noteworthy contribution in an
age when the common school curriculum all too often con-
sisted almost exclusively of the three R’s. Stressing the fact
that reading, writing and arithmetic were doubtless “the
first rudiments of education, and to instruct in them is the
peculiar province of a common school”, he nevertheless
pointed out that “‘there is an obvious propriety in requiring
common schools to embrace a more extended course of
study” to promote “the general diffusion of useful knowl-
edge”. He advocated the teaching of grammar, “beauties
of the Bible”, geography, surveying, history and constitu-
tion of the United States, and law for the layman.

{ 49]


Hawley’s ideas of motivation and maturation were ultra-
progressive in the first part of the last century. He said: *’

In the instruction of youth, the first object of a teacher should be
to make study a voluntary and agreeable employment. . . . Unwilling
study is always languid, and the impression received from it, neces-
satily feeble and transient ... the study of a pupil should be
ise 3! to his capacity; a given task, limited to what he can easily
perform, should always be assigned to him; he should be assisted in
his progress by the kindness and attention of his teacher.

And again,”

The leading objects . . . are generally conceded to be, to make
study voluntary and agreeable to the pupil; to cause it to act directly
on his understanding, and through that medium on his memory; to
cultivate his inventive faculty, by exercises in cemposition and other
processes requiring him to originate thought; and to learn (sic!) him
to apply the knowledge and skill thus acquired to practical purposes
most likely to occur to him in after life.

When Hawley was dismissed in 1821 from the superin-
tendency, the position was assigned ex officio to the secre-
tary of state. Hawley continued his interest in education,
however. From 1814, he had been secretary to the Board
of Regents; this office he held until 1841. At the time of
his appointment to the executive committee of the State
Normal School, Hawley was a regent.”

The executive committee lost little time in holding its
first meeting. Having received from the Regents their
appointments on June 1, 1844, they met on the twentieth
of that month. The necessary measures for establishing
the Normal School “were carefully considered, and arrange-
ments were made to ascertain whether a suitable building
could be obtained”.“* Regent Hawley was delegated to
confer with the city common council to ascertain what
action that body proposed in order to supply the necessary
building.”

From the minutes and reports of the executive commit-
tee, it appears that the committee was firmly of the opinion
that the new school should be located in Albany. No
evidence has been unearthed to show that any other city

[50]


was even considered. This may be explained in part by the
fact that four members of the executive committee were
at that time residents of Albany, and that the only other
member, Dr. Potter of Schenectady, did not attend any
meeting of the committee until negotiations with the city
corporation had been entered into. It is known, however,
from Dr. Potter’s earlier report, that he believed the Nor-
mal School should be located at the capital. In 1841, he
had said that if it were placed “under the proper auspices,
and located near the capital, where it could enjoy the supet-
vision of the Superintendent of Common Schools, and be
visited by the members of the Legislature, it might contrib-
ute in many ways to raise the tone of instruction throughout
the State’.*° In 1842, Colonel Young had recommended
the establishment of a “Normal School of the highest grade
in the city of Albany at the seat of government, where it
might annually be examined by the representatives of the
people during the session of the legislature”’."

A study of the legislative and other documents does not
show that any pressure was exerted to bring about the loca-
tion of the first normal school in any other community.
This seems to have been one of the two occasions of the
establishment of a state normal school in New York when
there was not a scramble of several communities to secure
the location of the institution. The other example was in
the designation of the Oswego Normal School. One must
conclude that there was no such scramble in 1844 for two
reasons: normal schools were as yet generally unknown
and untried, outside of Massachusetts, so there was no
incentive to compete for the location of a doubtful enter-
prise; the academies that avidly sought to be designated
as normal schools after the Civil War had not yet met the
competition of free, public secondary education, and were
still in a rather prosperous condition.

[51]


The friends of the experimental institution, as it was
frankly acknowledged to be, wanted it located where it
would be accessible to the legislators and others coming
to Albany on governmental business.

The Hulburd committee said that *

If the experiment cannot be tested in the presence of all the people,
it should be before all the fepresentatives of the people. . . . Here,
at each annual session of the legislature, can be seen for what and
how the public money is expended; here can be seen the exhibition
of the pupils of the seminary and the model school; here, if unsuccess-
ful, no report of interested officials can cover up its failure, or prevent
the abandonment of the experiment.

The committee also said that “citizens from all parts of the
State, who resort to the Capital during the sessions of the
Legislature, the terms of the courts, etc., can have an oppor-
tunity of examining the workings of the Normal School
system”. Another advantage, it said, was that the city was
the gateway to Saratoga, a famous spa, and was visited
annually by large numbers of persons going there. Persons
who “from all parts of the Union make their annual pil-
grtimage to the Fountain of Health, will pause here to see
what the Empire State is doing to promote the education of
her people”’.”°

That the hope that the normal school would attract visi-
tors, and especially legislators, was not in vain is attested
by the report of the executive committee of the school to the
Regents. The committee said that many members of the
legislature visited the school and approved of its “conduct
and probable usefulness” and added the wish that “al] who
may distrust these opinions, will test their soundness, by a
full and deliberate examination of its actual operation”’.”?

Contrary to the precedent of Massachusetts, which has
at times transferred a normal school from one community
to another,** New York never removed its schools from the
towns where they were first established. At times, particu-
larly when an institution was destroyed by fire, several other

[52]


communities have tried to effect a change of location, but
such efforts have never been successful.” No attempt to
bring about a change in the location of the Albany Normal
School seems to have been proposed at any time in the early
years of the institution. No record has been found which
would tend to indicate that Albany has had to fight against
her neighbors for the continuance of the normal school
there. This cannot be said of certain other normal schools
in the state.

Unlike other communities in New York where normal
schools have been established, the city of Albany never
donated a site for the Normal School, or contributed any
large sum of money to the state for such a purpose. After
negotiations in 1844, the executive committee did obtain
the city’s consent to fit up rooms for the school in the former
passenger depot of the Mohawk and Hudson Railroad
Company, which the school was to occupy rent free for
five years. This abandoned passenger depot was located
on the north side of State Street, a few doors below Eagle
Street. Still standing, it is known as Van Vechten Hall.
As in the days of the Normal School’s occupancy, the first
floor is occupied by “tradesmen”. Some controversy has
existed as to the exact building first used by the Normal
School. For some years, President A. R. Brubacher dis-
played an old photograph of a small two-story building,
upon which was painted the sign “Mohawk and Hudson
R. R.—Ticket Office—For Buffalo”. This, he contended,
was the building used by the Normal School. He held that
the picture reproduced in Finegan’s Teacher Training
Agencies was not a photograph of the first Normal School
building. Research has shown, however, that Dr. Finegan’s
picture was correct and Dr. Brubacher’s picture was that of
the second railway station, located on Ferry street and used
from 1841 to 1844. As such, it is reproduced in the history
of the New York Central Railroad.*

[53 ]


The building which was assigned to the Normal School
had been used for only a few years by the Mohawk and
Hudson, being abandoned when the company relocated its
Albany terminal, so as to obviate the necessity of using
stationary engines to haul the “coaches and wagons” up
State Street Hill. This hill was too much of an incline to
be negotiated by the “DeWitt Clinton’, ‘John Bull”, ““Ex-
periment’, “Mohawk” and “Hudson”, the first five steam
locomotives on the line. The passenger station, together
with its stable, was used “‘as the exclusive passenger termi-
nus of the road in Albany” from about 1833 until Septem-
ber, 1841, when the railroad was moved to the easier
Patroon’s Creek route.”

The city put under the exclusive control of the committee
“all the rooms in State Street above the basement (i.e. first)
story, the rooms on Maiden Lane not occupied as a dwelling,
and the yard belonging to the building.” The corporation
also agreed to pay $500 towards the fitting up of the neces-
sary rooms, bringing the value of its contribution to the
equivalent of $5,750. Since the city could not give title for
some weeks, remodelling could not be begun until Septem-
ber 17, 1844.”

Francis Dwight, who had been chosen secretary of the
executive committee, was sent to the Lexington Normal
School in Massachusetts to “report to this committee in
relation to its organization, apparatus and condition’”’.”” At
an “informal meeting” sometime between August 1 and
August 13, he made this report which was “marked A—on
file’. The report of this visit to the first Massachusetts
normal school, then only five years old, would doubtless
provide interesting source material. Unfortunately, it has
been lost—presumably in the fire of 1906, or in the process
of moving the Normal School. It would doubtless show
considerable indebtedness to the Massachusetts pioneers in
the normal school movement. Mr. Dwight was then

[54]

%
= ‘
¥ ‘


assigned to prepare a list of the necessary apparatus for the
Normal School.”*

Before any mention is made in the records of the execu-
tive committee regarding the principal or other teachers
for the school, there occurs this minute:

Various applications for the place of janitor of the Normal School
rooms, were presented, and were laid on the table. The Committee
not thinking such an office necessary.?°

Indeed, the committee seems to have proceeded with the
fitting out of the rooms for the Normal School and even
with designating a date for its opening before choosing the
faculty. It was resolved that °°

The Normal School be opened for the reception of pupils on Wed-
nesday the 1st. of December at 103 A.M., at which time the Execu-

tive Committee will be in attendance. Pupils on arriving in the City
will report themselves to the Secy. of the Committee.

Colonel Young was invited to address the pupils on the
opening of the institution.”

The first faculty member chosen was George R. Perkins
of Utica, who was “appointed the Mathematical Instruc-
tor . . . with a salary of $1200 . . . per annum, during
the mutual pleasure of the parties’’.*”

Apparently, there were five applications for the principal-
ship. Three of the applicants figure in the minutes only
once, and even their first names are not given. The only
data available about them are their last names—Fitch, Ely
and Brayton. The name of one McKoon also appears. It is
assumed that this was G. M. McKoon, soon to be appointed
a ‘professor’ of natural sciences. He served less than four
months. The fifth name is David P. Page. Dr. Potter was
requested to go to Newburyport, Massachusetts, to confer
with Mr. Page, who had ‘‘been highly recommended to his
Committee as qualified for the post of Principal’”.*

Dr. Potter went to Newburyport with authority to engage
Page’s services. It is reported that after a brief interview

954


he was so favorably impressed, that an agreement was
arrived at immediately.“ The appointment of David P.
Page as principal was confirmed by the committee, Decem-
ber 13—twelve days after the school was to have opened.
The salary was set at $1500, “during the mutual pleasure of
the parties’’.*°

David Perkins Page was an especially fortunate choice
as principal. Born July 4, 1810 at Epping, a small village
in southeastern New Hampshire, the son of a farmer, he,
too, was expected to be a tiller of the soil. His ambition
to attain an academic education was discouraged by the
farmer-father, and it was only during a serious illness, when
his life was despaired of, that the son won a reluctant con-
sent from the parent to attend the nearby Hampton Acad-
emy, if he recovered. At the academy, Page encountered,
for the first time in his life, “that feeling so common and
yet so contemptible, which assigns social rank, and estima-
tion not according to moral and intellectual worth, but to
the cloth one can afford to buy.’”’ The gibes and jests of the
young “gentlemen” at Page’s homespun clothing are said,
in the words of Horace Mann, to have engendered in Page
the “unspeakable contempt for the pretensions that are
founded on wealth or habiliments, and a profound religious
respect for moral worth” that he manifested throughout his
life.

As was customary at the time, Page helped pay for his
academic training by teaching a district school during the
winter. Altogether, he spent less than a year at the acad-
emy. This, with his earlier schooling in the district school
near his home, was the extent of his formal education. He
was, then, very largely a product of self-education. Even
in his busy days at Albany he found time to study Latin,
and, just before his death, he told a friend he was about to

take up Greek.

[ 56 ]


Having decided to make teaching his life work, Page
obtained a small district school at Byfield, in the town of
_ Newbury, Massachusetts. At the age of nineteen, he
opened a private school in Newburyport. His success in
these two ventures led to his appointment as an assistant in
the Newburyport High School, where he was “principal”
of the English department.

But Page was more than just a good classroom teacher:
his professional activity in the local teachers’ association
and his ability as a lecturer called him to the attention of
Horace Mann, then secretary of the state Board of Educa-
tion. The latter so highly esteemed Page’s lectures that he
_ had certain of them published and distributed to the Massa-
chusetts teachers at his own expense. Page was said to
possess, to a remarkable extent, “the power to think, stand-
ing on his feet, and before folks”. 3

The exact date when Page arrived in Albany can not be
determined. The historian of Newburyport says that on
December 17, 1844, the pupils in the high school presented
him ‘“‘a silver pitcher, two silver cups, a gold pencil, and a
large unabridged dictionary as tokens of their respect and
esteem. A few days later he removed to Albany’.

This report must be wrong as to the date, for the min-
utes of the executive committee show that on December 16,
Page appeared and reported “a plan of organization” to
the committee. It would seem, too, that as conscientious a
man as Page would not wait until the last minute possible
to put in an appearance at the starting of so important a
venture.

When Page did arrive in Albany, he found all in con-
fusion at the abandoned depot that was to house the new
school. Carpenters and other workmen were still busy with
remodelling the rooms.

CsA

As revised and adopted, his “plan of organization”
read *”
1.

nae

4.

That the first Term, for both sexes, which is to commence on the
18th inst. shall continue twelve weeks, i.e. to the 11th of March.
That during the summer term, there shall be two daily sessions ;
viz., from 8 A.M. to 12 o'clock, and from 3 to 5 P.M.; with such
extra sessions in the afternoon, for general exercises, as the Prin-
cipal, subject to the approbation of the Executive Committee, shall
judge necessary.

That, since the branches required by law to be taught in all the
district schools, viz. Reading, Orthography, Writing, Arithmetic,
Geography and English Grammar, are of primary importance,
they shall receive in all cases primary attention in the Normal
School; nor shall the pupils be allowed to pass to the higher
branches, till in the judgment of the Teachers they are thoroughly
Prepared to do so. The instruction in these branches as far as the
nature of the subjects will admit, shall for the present be given
by topics, allowing to the pupils the use of any text books to
which they may have access. +i
That exercises in Drawing, Vocal Music and English Composition
shall be attended to by all the pupils throughout the whole course

attainments and not on the length of time spent in the school:
though no pupil shall be entitled to such recommendation or cer-
tificate, who shall not remain in the school one entire term, and no
certificate except one of full qualifications shall be given.

8. That the internal regulations of the school be left to take their

The

form and character from the circumstances as they arise: and that
such regulations as the teachers may hereafter suggest for the gov-

ernment of the school, shall be submitted to the Executive Com- .

mittee for their approval, before they shall go into effect.

day before the school opened, the executive commit-

tee voted to help defray the expenses of the students in the

school,

voting a dollar a week during the first term to “male

[58]


state students” and a dollar and a quarter to “female state
students”. In addition, the chairman and secretary were
authorized to subsidize such of the so-called “volunteer
pupils, as shall have special claim on the ground of char- ij
acter, residence and pecuniary necessary” in a similar man- oo)
net. The “‘state’’ pupils were students who had been =|)
appointed by county boards of supervisors. Each county i
was entitled to send a number of candidates equal to its i
representation in the state assembly. Persons not obtaining
such official designation were admitted as ‘‘volunteer”’
pupils so long as some counties did not choose candidates,
or the candidates did not appear.**

On December 18, the Normal School was opened by |
Colonel Young, in behalf of the executive committee. His :
address, in the best oratorical style of the period, covered :
a wide range of topics more or less pertinent to the work
of the school. He touched on the high hopes of the com-
mittee for the success of the venture, discoursed on the high
calling of teaching, gave a statement of the curriculum to
be pursued, anticipated the present-day vogue of “under-
standing the child’, advised the students that they should
breathe pure air, cultivate habits of daily exercise and take
“frequent ablutions’, discouraged sectarianism, either
teligious or political, heartily commended the two faculty
members as ‘‘self-educated men”, pointed out that “honor:
able distinction is within the attainment of every child in
the state”, and urged the students “to diffuse throughout
the state a much more than compensating fund of moral
and intellectual wealth” in return for their education.

Invitations to the ceremony had been issued to the
Regents, the mayor, and the Common Council of Albany.
The two faculty members, Page and Perkins, and twenty-

nine pupils were the personnel of the new venture in teacher
education.

eae ee

[ 59}


Immediately after Colonel Young’s address, “the exer-
cises of the institution were commenced by Mr. Page, in
the quiet and unpretending style so eminently his char-
acteristic, . . . and amid the din of the carpenter’s hammer
and saw (for the apartments were yet incomplete), the
great work of the school was commenced”.*°

This small group of twenty-nine students who assembled
“in a plain and somewhat uninviting apartment crudely
fitted up for school purposes on the second floor of an
ex-railway station” included “five who were destined to
have a somewhat conspicuous part in the movement then
and there inaugurated”.* They were Elizabeth C. Hance
“with frank, open, expressive features, which, superadded
to a peculiar gentleness and dignity of manner and sweet-
ness of disposition, won all hearts”; Caroline Smith, “‘a
bright, talented, modest, loyal and true lady, and scholarly
teacher’; Silas T. Bowen, “honest, thoughtful, studious,
painstaking and conscientious”; Sumner C. Webb, “‘indus-
trious, faithful and energetic instructor’, and William F.
Phelps. These five, on this occasion, appeared as students,
“but they subsequently became members of the faculty, all
but one of them serving in that capacity for many years’’.*?

Preliminaries out of the way on that memorable day in
December, 1844,

reading books were brought forward, a division was made into two
sections; and the first drill in reading and arithmetic ever held in the
Normal School at Albany was conducted by Messrs. Page and Perkins.
. . . In each of these preliminary exercises the students had a fore-
taste of the quality of training they were to receive and of the master
minds who were to direct their future course. Those first lessons
were revelations and served at once the dual purpose of testing to some
extent the mettle both of instructors and students.43

The faculty was increased one hundred per cent, a few
days later, with the appointment of Ferdinand I. Ilsley as
teacher of vocal music and J. B. Howard as teacher of draw-
ing, at $250 and $200 per year respectively. These were

{ 60}


Bas P:,
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apparently local teachers of these subjects who devoted
only part of their time to teaching in the Normal School.
The former had taught music locally since 1841, and the
latter was listed in the city directory as a portrait painter.“

The rehabilitated depot was fitted up to contain two
study rooms “‘with comfortable desks and seats”, four rect-
tation rooms, a lecture room seating 350, and an “apart-
ment’ for library and apparatus. The committee boasted
that each room was equipped with blackboards—not so
common then as now—and with a clock. The latter was
held to to be “indispensable where punctuality is so much
insisted upon as at the Normal School”. What comfort
required was provided, “and no more”. Male and female
students occupied the same study and recitation rooms, ‘the
latter being seated in front next to the desk of the teacher,
while the males ate placed immediately in the rear of
them.” *°

Although the executive committee had earlier thought
a janitor unneccessary, one was appointed early in January,
“to take entire care of said Normal School building, under
the direction of the principal of the said school; sawing
the wood, carrying it to the several rooms, making the fires,
sweeping and cleaning of said rooms and also the privies,
going errands for the Principal teacher, and discharging
such other duties as properly belong to said office’. For
this, he received $100 per year.”

The dribbling in of students.continued throughout the
first term. By the time the committee prepared its report
to the legislature, early in 1845, the number had reached
93, of whom 67 were “state” pupils, and 26 were “volun-
teers’.*’ The constant accession of new students placed so
great a burden upon the principal and faculty that it was
resolved to admit students only at the beginning of the

terms, thereafter. The maximum quota of students was set
at 256.*°

[61]


A plan so to organize the school as to teach male students
in the summer term and females in the winter was discussed
at length, but never adopted.** The supposition is that this
scheme was proposed to provide for what would now be
called in-service training, for ordinarily men teachers were
needed in the district schools throughout the winter term
when the big boys, with no farm work to occupy them,
came back to brush up on McGuffey and advanced calcula-
tions. Women teachers were considered suitable, however,
for the summer term of the district school, which was then
attended only by girls and the small fry too young to do
field work.

The growth of the school necessitated additional instruc-
tors, so in March 1845, M. G. McKoon of Little Falls was
appointed a teacher at $1200 per year. He appears to be
the same person who had earlier applied for the principal-
ship. In addition, six of the “state” pupils were engaged,
at a compensation of a dollar a week, to render occasional
assistance,” apparently on a modified form of the then popu-
lar Lancasterian system. The need for such assistants is
apparent when it is remembered that no scholastic require-

ments were set for admission—not even a certificate that
one had satisfactorily completed a district school education.
From contemporary testimony it is apparent that many of
the entrants must have needed drill in the fundamental
subjects of the common school. The pupils were frequently
poorly prepared, and must have, at times, sorely tried the
patience of the principal. Often, persons presented tran-
scripts of work allegedly done in advanced English and
classical subjects in the academies of their home districts,
but were found, upon examination, to be deficient in the
- common branches. It was reported that ™

Many had studied philosophy, whose spelling was deficient; and
others studied algebra, who found it very difficult to explain intelli-

[ 62 ]


gently the mystery of ‘borrowing ten and carrying one” in simple sub-
traction. And yet a large number of these pupils had been engaged
in teaching the district schools of the State.

It was believed, therefore, that attention should primarily
be directed “to these little things’. Very wisely, the prin-
cipal and the executive committee decided to limit the cur-
riculum to the common school subjects and to pedagogy.
This, it was believed, would best serve to prepare teachers
for the common schools of the state. Such was, for a long
time, to be the curriculum, by sheer necessity, for normal
schools throughout the Union. Only when teachers’ insti-
tutes and the normal schools had begun to leaven the mass
of rural teachers was it possible to offer any considerable
amount of instruction equivalent to that of a reputable
secondary school.

An idea of the type of work carried on in the early years
of the Normal School may be obtained from the following
daily program for the year 1846: *

STATE NORMAL SCHOOL AT ALBANY
Daily Program

TIME | | TEACHERS
9 A.M.— 9:30 Chapel Exercises, etc., in lecture room. Prof. Perkins

9:30-10:15 A.Class. Trigonometry and surveying Prof. Perkins

B. Class. Algebra Mr. Clark

C. Class. Higher Arithmetic Mr. Webb

D. Class. Algebra Mr. Eaton

E. Class. Grammar Mr. Bowen

F. Class. Geography Miss Hance
10:25-11:10 A.Class. Algebra Prof. Perkins

B. Class. Grammar—Tuesday & Friday Mr. Bowen
C. Class. Reading—Tuesday & Friday _ Principal
D. Class. Grammar—Monday & Thurs-

day Mr. Bowen
D. Class. History and reading, alter-

nately Miss Hance
E. Class. Geography Mr. Webb
F. Class. Orthography Mr. Eaton

[ 63 ]


: a

TEACHERS

TIME
11:15-12:00 A. Class. Science of Government Mr. Eaton
B. Class. Reading Miss Hance
C. Class. Algebra—Monday, Tuesday,
and Thursday Prof. Perkins
C. Class. Joins D. Class in Lecture,
Natural Philosophy—Friday Mr. Clark

D. Class. Natural Philosophy—daily Mr. Clark

E. Class. Elementary Arithmetic Mr. Webb

F. Class. Grammar Mr. Bowen

12:15—- 1:00 A. Class. Geometry Mr. Bowen.

B. Class. Higher Arithmetic Prof. Perkins

C. Class. Natural Philosophy Mr. Clark

D. Class. Arithmetic Mr. Webb

E. Class. Reading and Orthography Mr. Eaton

F. Class. Reading Miss Hance
1:05- 1:50 A. Class. Chemistry Mr. Clark

B. Class. & C. Human Physiology Principal

D. Class. Grammar Mr. Bowen

E. Class. Mental Arithmetic Miss Hance

F. Class. Elementary Arithmetic Mr. Webb

DISMISSION :
Wednesday is devoted to Penmanship, Composition, Declamation,

‘“Sub-Lectures,” and general exercises.

Vocal Music

= 3:00— 4:30 A.Class. Monday
B. Class. Wednesday} Mr. llsley
C. Class. Friday
Drawing

3:00— 4:30 A. Class. Tuesday
B. Class. Thursday} Mr. Howard
C. Class. Saturday

The decision on the part of Mr. Page and the executive
committee to limit instruction to “these little things” did
not meet with uniform approbation on the part of all the
students, however. Some of them, whether rightly or
wrongly, felt that they should be given the opportunity to
pursue more advanced subjects. For example, William F.

[ 64}


Phelps entered the school with the feeling that “it would
be neither less efficient in its teaching, less comprehensive
in its course of study, or less rigorous in its discipline than
its European counterpart”, about which he had already
read.” Phelps’ enthusiasm “gradually diminished when he
began to realize that this school scarcely approached the
standards he expected”. Nevertheless, he continued to
have tremendous respect for Page and hoped that time
would “‘correct all the errors, supply all defects, and develop
the excellencies he had expected”.**

Phelps’ own formal education had been nearly as limited
as Page’s. He had attended a mediocre district school in
Cayuga County, where the “manifest incompetency of his
teachers” and “the barren results which followed their
work” led to “the greatest aversion to his senseless tasks,
and his want of progress convinced him of the fundamental
errors which characterized the prevalent mode of teach-
ing”.** Finally, however, he came under the influence of
“a tipe scholar and intelligent teacher”, Albert Metcalf,
at the Auburn High School. Following Metcalf’s death,
Phelps returned to the district school for a time, until the
teacher there urged Phelps’ father to find William a school
of his own “‘to keep”. At this idea, William was struck
“with amazement, and he objected and even protested”.
Coerced by his father and the district schoolmaster, Phelps
finally obtained a school, where he attempted to teach 60
pupils “of all ages, sexes, grades and conditions”. For
some years, he attended the Auburn Academy in the sum-
mers, and taught schools “often in retired neighborhoods,
and amid discouraging circumstances” during the winter
terms.**

In 1844, Phelps was serving as teacher in an Auburn city
school, helping 140 students of all grades, according to the
methods of fat, vain and pompous Joseph Lancaster. While
there, Phelps was designated by the county board of super-

[65]

‘ _

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visors “as the outstanding representative from Cayuga
County” to enter the Normal School at Albany."

It is little wonder, then, that he admired Page with such
a degree of hero worship, for their early careers in educa-
tion were so similar. Both overcame the discouraging
effects of faulty elementary education; both struggled to
attend academies; both served painful and disheartening
apprenticeships in teaching; both were largely self-educated
men; and both were destined to leave their names in the
noble history of teacher education in the United States.

The first class, consisting of 34 members, was graduated
on August 27, 1845—only eight months after it had entered.
There were five young women and 29 young men in the
group. Of these, the faculty and members of the executive
committee were so proud that they reported to the legisla-
fure:-”

Of nearly all the thirty-four graduates who have gone forth from
the school, it may be affirmed, that their educational fabric is granite
from the base to the topstone. And those who occupy the seats during
the present term are busily engaged in quarrying, polishing and laying
the same solid material.

The first philanthropy experienced by the new school was
a gift of a considerable library—exceeding $300 in cost—
by James L. Wadsworth, “that distinguished friend of edu-
cation”. In addition, the publishers of school books “with
gteat liberality, presented the school with large sets of their
textbooks, lessening in this manner, materially, the expenses
of the school, and enabling its pupils to examine and com-
pare the best elementary books now before the public’.°°
The value of the books and maps available was set at $600,
and a student, named Darwin Eaton, was appointed, at a
stipend of a dollar a week, to care for the collection. In
1846, the textbook library had 5005 volumes, and the ‘‘mis-
cellaneous library” had 601 volumes, mostly from the Wads-

worth gift.”

{ 66 }


From the inception of the state program of teacher edu-
cation in 1834, there has been maintained the uniform policy
of requiring persons registering in the state teacher training
institutions to declare their intention to teach in the public

schools of the state. Evidence exists that such a pledge was

exacted. Although a critic said that such a pledge was “‘a
snare to the conscience which never ought to be per-
mitted,”** the executive committee of the State Normal
School deemed it advisable to require such a pledge to
teach.** Each student whether “state” or “voluntary” was
required to sign the following: ©

We the subscribers hereby declare that it is our intention to devote
ourselves to the business of teaching district schools, and that our
sole purpose in resorting to this Normal School is the better to prepare
ourselves for that important duty.

The executive committee felt bound to guard the trust
committed to them by the legislature. Since the institution
was not designed as a place of higher education “for any
and all, but especially for common school teachers’, the
committee said that to throw the doors open to all would
defeat the end of the law. . Consequently, the policy of
requiring the pledge, which was made “‘as stringent as pos-
sible” was adopted. Nor was it abused, for of the first 34
gtaduates, 33 were reported as teaching common schools,
and one was already a county superintendent.”

The pledge at the New York State College for Teachers
remains substantially the same as the original pledge
adopted a century ago. It now reads: ®

I hereby declare that my object in seeking admission to the New
York State College for Teachers is to prepare myself for the teaching
profession; and I further declare that it is my intention upon gradu-
ation to devote myself to teaching in the schools of the State.

At times, suspicion has existed that abuses of this pledge
have taken place. As early as 1847, superintendents were
reminded to nominate for entrance only those who would

“sacredly fulfill their engagements in this particular’,** and

[ 67 }


in a few years the school was asking the Regents for sug: _
gestions as to ways in which to correct the abuse of violation
of the pledge.” An assembly committee in 1852 recom-
mended that each student should sign a pledge to teach in
the state one year for each term spent at the Normal School,
or in default thereof to pay a tuition of fifteen dollars per
term.”: Such a system was current in Prussia at the time,
and was later adopted by certain American states, notably
New Jersey.” Such a step was never taken by New York, the
state apparently believing that only a very few persons
would violate the pledge. Rather, Victor M. Rice, the
superintendent of public instruction, preferred to make the
course of study more professional and therefore probably
less attractive to persons seeking a general education at
state expense.”

One young man, Leonard S. Root of the class of 1850,
who never taught, “insisted upon paying, and did pay, for
his tuition’’.”*

Of those persons who did enroll in the Normal School
in its early years without any serious intention to teach,
some were doubtless individuals who were willing to pocket
their consciences to get here a higher elementary or a sec-
ondary education, not obtainable free in their home dis-
tricts, where the tuition academy was still common, and
where rate bills were still assessed for attendance at the
district school. The passage of the Union Free School Act |
of 1853, and the great growth of free high schools following
the Civil War, together with the abolition of the rate bill
in 1867, doubtless removed much of this incentive for per-
sons, other than prospective teachers, to enter the Normal
School. Those few persons who now enter the college
without planning to teach are probably motivated to do so
because New York, unlike all the other leading American
states, does not provide opportunities to attend a state col-
lege or university for a general education. New York sup-

{68}


ports only colleges of agriculture, education, veterinary
medicine, home economics, forestry and ceramics.

It should not be assumed, however, that any other than
a small minority refused to carry out their obligation. A
record compiled at the semicentennial of the College shows
that nearly every graduate taught. Entries such as “taught
12 years”, “taught 20 years’, “taught 25 years” are not
-uncommon. One occasionally finds such entries as these:
“James L. Enos, M.D. . . . taught 38 years . . . has con-
ducted 834 teachers’ institutes”, “Daniel Losey . . . taught
42 years”, “William F. Phelps . . . taught 36 years’, ‘“‘Gil-
bert Thayer, A.M., LL.D. . . . taught 47 years, and even
“Cornelia M. Johnson . . . taught 48 years.” ”

Opposite the occasional names of those who were
recorded as teaching “0 years’, or a few years, are such
entries as: “‘has written a few little books for publication”,
“suffered an attack of paralysis”, “was detained at home to
care for father and then for deceased sister’s children”,
“died suddenly, 1847”, “wounded, Malvern Hill, died in
hands of the enemy, buried, Turkey Bend, Va.” or “enlisted
44th. N.Y. Vols... killed, Petersburg, bullet, Jan. 19,
649

In 1884, President Edward R. Waterbury made an
exhaustive inquiry into the services rendered the state by
the school’s graduates. Of 2,586 graduates, 2,420 reported.
These 2,420 persons had taught an aggregate of 17,7924
years, of an average of more than seven years each. Divid-
ing the total number of years taught by the total number
of graduates (including those not reporting), he found
the average was more than six and a half years each. Only
103 graduates were listed as never having taught. It must
be remembered that inasmuch as this study included all the
graduates, even the most recent ones, probably at least
another 18,000 years of teaching service was to be expected
from this group.

[69]

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President Waterbury seems to have been warranted in
his conclusion that

the students and graduates of this normal school have fulfilled their
obligation to the State with notable and praiseworthy fidelity, and
have returned in overflowing measure the benefits she has conferred
upon them.

Neil Gilmour, the superintendent of public instruction in
1878, found, after a survey, that information disseminated
by the enemies of the normal schools to the effect that their
gtaduates did not teach in New York, was entirely without
foundation.”

The statistics quoted above give the number of graduates,
up to 1884, as 2,586. This is not by any means the total
number of persons who attended the school in these forty
yeats. So great was the demand for teachers in the rapidly
Stowing school system that only a part of the entrants
remained to complete the prescribed course of study, short
though it was. In 1883, it was reported that 18,442 persons
had attended the school for longer or shorter terms.” With
the requirement for teachet’s certificates so low—indeed,
practically non-existent—it is not to be wondered at that
so few of the students remained to complete their courses.
With positions available so readily, and with the superior
professional status that even a term at Albany could give,
why should these young men and women have stayed for
two years?

Parenthetically, it should be explained that there was no
certification of teachers through a state agency until 1888.
The act of 1812 had empowered the local school commis-
sioners (i.e., trustees or school board members) to engage
anyone they saw fit to hire to teach—or, shall we say, “keep
school”? Standards were so low that C. W. Bardeen of
Syracuse, the school book publisher who was even better
acquainted with school conditions than “book men” of the
Present generation, knew of a case in which a girl less than

{70}

OE

two years of age obtained a teacher’s certificate. In the
last century, we have indeed taken long strides toward assur-
ing to each boy and girl in the public schools of the state a
competent teacher. It need hardly be emphasized, however,
that this goal has not yet been fully attained.

Naturally, the new experiment in teacher education
attracted considerable attention. Even before the Normal
School was opened, leaders in education looked upon the
experiment with sympathy. One county superintendent of
schools wrote: *

Many are looking forward to the result of the experiment about to
be made in the normal school in Albany. It is hoped it will be able
to furnish three or four teachers, yearly, to every county in the State,
and that they, having gone through a thorough course of mental
training, and having been made acquainted with the best methods of

communicating instruction, will be capable of imparting much of their
improvement to others.

The executive committee reported that its members and
many legislators visited the Normal School frequently and
approved of the “conduct and probable usefulness of this
institution.” It was hoped that “‘all who may distrust these
opinions will test their soundness, by a full and deliberate
examination of its actual operation”.** The executive com-
mittee felt that the normal system, in connection with the
county institutes, would, more than anything else, “tend to
elevate the character of the district school teachers of the
State and to pour blessings upon the young’”.** This con-
clusion was fortified by quotations from messages and
resolutions commending the work of Normal School gradu-
ates in the conduct of teachers’ institutes at various points
in the state.“

The executive committee proudly reported that members
of the legislature had left the first public examination of
pupils, saying that “if the same indefatigable diligence and
interest, on the part of teachers and taught, were kept up,
the success of the school was placed beyond peradventure”’.*

In 1848, it was reported that “the utility of the school”

{71}

ae


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had been “‘sufficiently tested” and the hope was expressed
that the state would make it a permanent institution.” It will
be recalled that but two years of the experimental period of
five years remained. The success of this normal school led
to various suggestions that similar schools should be estab-
lished elsewhere in the state. The state superintendent
in 1857 suggested that other such schools be established
“in favorable localities, whose wealthy and liberal inhabit-
ants would bear the greater proportion of the expenditure
necessary for sites and commodious buildings”. In 1865,
Superintendent Victor M. Rice repeated the request, point-
ing out that Massachusetts, with a third the population of
New York, had four times the number of normal schools.™
This recommendation led to the acquisition by the state of
the municipal normal school at Oswego and to the normal
school act of 1866, requesting various communities to bid
for the establishment of normal schools.“

In the meantime, the institution at Albany had been vig-
orously attacked and warmly defended. Governor Silas
Wright was reputed at first to be one of its most decided
opponents, but after a visit to the institution, he commended
it in his message of 1846. It is possible that the addition
of agricultural chemistry, in which the Governor was keenly
interested, may have helped to cause the change in his opin-
ion.” It is said that the enemies of the Normal School had
claimed the election of Wright to the governorship as a tri-
umph for their side, and “counted largely on his eminent
abilities to aid them in putting it down; but a few months’
residence in Albany converted this man . . . into one of
its sincerest friends’’.”*

Horace Mann, who was keenly interested in the Normal
School, said that *

the great state of New York, by means of her county superintendents,
State Normal School, and otherwise is carrying forward the work of
public education more rapidly than any other State in the Union, or
any other country in the world.

[72]


Nevertheless, for the first three years, the school had to
contend “with numerous and unscrupulous foes, some of
whom attacked the system, others its practical workings;
others still, who were strangers to his person, attacked the
character of the principal’’.”*

Who were the enemies of the institution? They were
largely the partisans of the academies which had lost their
state subsidies for teacher training when the school was
established in 1844. Needing money badly, as most of the
academies did, it is no wonder that they looked upon the
new venture with considerable hostility.

Other enemies were “teachers of the old style’ whose
hostility had been aroused by the “ideas, plans and methods
inspired and inculcated at the Normal School’. Both these
groups of enemies became aggressive, and sought to express
their opposition in organized action. “With a considerable
degree of assurance and audacity,” these men proposed to
introduce a resolution at the Rochester meeting of the newly
organized New York State Teachers Association, in 1846,
When Page learned that the resolution was to be presented,
he quietly “placed himself on the platform awaiting its
presentation”. Both the author of the resolution and his
friends knew “full well that there was no man to whom
language, facts, arguments, were such willing and capable
weapons in such a conflict as to David P. Page, when he
stood on his feet’’.

Accordingly, the time for introducing the resolution was

postponed until the afternoon session, in the expectation -

that Page would not attend.

But on reassembling, Mr. Page was found upon the platform, seem-
ing to court nothing so much as an opportunity to speak to such a res-
olution. The prime,movers, however, concluding that discretion was

the better part of valor; and justly fearing that the agitation of the —

subject would result in strengthening the cause they sought to injure,
the movement collapsed, and was never afterward heard from.%

{73 ]

ban hobs


Perhaps these opponents of the Normal School truly felt
that there were no substantial materials that could be taught
in an institution committed to pedagogy. Perhaps they
felt that the only way to learn to teach was to begin “keep-
ing school”. Perhaps they were like the Dartmouth profes-
sor who

said, in conversation, that although he had had the experience of 42
years, as instructor in different schools and seminaries, yet he believed
he should be able to communicate in an hour and a half all that could
profitably be communicated, by way of precept to aid one in acquiring

the art of teaching.®
Page labored indefatigably, both in his teaching and in
defense of the venture, interposing “able, manly and cour-

teous defenses”.*° A contemporary testified that

he was not contented with the discharge of his duties, arduous and
wearing upon his constitution as they were, continually; but in the
Lyceum, before Legislative committees, and in every place affording
him facilities for pushing forward the great work to which he had
early devoted himself for life or death, he was “instant in season and
out of season’’, in the prosecution of his labors.97

When the Normal School was not in session, Page fre-
quently went from place to place in the state, addressing
teachers’ institutes. These were temporary assemblages of
teachers, somewhat like the present zone meetings of the
State Teachers Association or a district superintendent’s
conference. Teachers often came a considerable distance
to learn subject matter and to hear professional speeches.
Page “lectured day after day, and, wherever he went,
removed prejudices, cleared up doubts, and won golden
opinions’’.**

Fifty years later, Jacob Chace, who attended the school
in 1845—46, described a trip with Page and a delegation of
students of the Normal School to an educational convention
in Rochester. They made part of the trip by canal packet
boat at four miles an hour, the pioneer railroad not being
available the whole way.” So great was Page’s personal
magnetism at such institutes that the state superintendent

[74]

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ec

was accustomed to saying “that he needed only to look at
the catalog of the Normal School, to tell where Mr. Page
had spent his vacations’’.***

Realizing the value of the institutes in improving the
work of teachers who could not attend the Normal School,
Page sought to prepare some of the more advanced students
as institute ‘““conductors’. In the third term, these students
spent an hour a week in so-called “institute exercises’.
Three or four persons who had made special preparation
played the role of institute teachers, thus acquiring “a facil-
ity in . . . performing an important service which will be
expected of them when they graduate’’.*”’

The year at the Normal School was divided into two
terms, so as to bring the vacations in April and October,
the months for holding teachers’ institutes.’ Perhaps it
was largely due to this provision that so many of the Normal
students attended institutes and took a leading part in them.
Many a person who became an institute conductor first
attended such a teachers’ conference in company with Mr.
Page or Mr. Perkins. There were, in addition, various vol-
untary associations of students who met every Saturday to
discuss the duties of a teacher, the best modes of discipline,
and means of elevating the profession of teaching “so that
it may become worthy of the public respect’’.**

The curriculum of the first normal school in New York
state was probably the product of several converging influ-
ences: the work offered in the academies of the period, the
precedent of the Massachusetts normal schools, the needs
of the common schools, the necessity to take into account
the poor preparation of many of the students, and the edu-
cational philosophies of the executive committee and the
faculty, especially the principal.

That the Massachusetts plan had a great influence on the
course of study at Albany is probably a warrantable assump-
tion, for Page was thoroughly conversant with the plan

{75]


there. It is known that he sought the advice of Horace
Mann in Boston, en route to Albany.** Indeed, William
T. Harris said that all normal schools in the United States
followed substantially the one tradition laid down in the
Bay State. The plan there was to provide a careful review
of the subject matter to be taught in the district schools,
instruction in the art of governing a school, and practice
teaching.’

When the Albany Normal School was established, it was
provided by law that the object of the institution should
be “the instruction and practice of teachers of common
schools in the science of education and in the art of teach-
ing’. The intent of the legislature seems to have been
to hold the school strictly to merely professional work in
pedagogy; if such were the thought, the attempt failed, for
the principal found that many of the entrants were woe-
fully deficient in the common branches, and that such defi-
ciencies had to be remedied by the review of considerable
elementary subject matter. It was decided, therefore, to
consider “of primary importance’ the branches “required
by law to be taught in the common schools, viz. reading,
orthography, writing, arithmetic, geography and English
gtammar’.*”’ In addition, all students were required to
take vocal music, drawing and English composition. None
of these last three subjects was commonly taught in the
district schools of the period. Music, it was claimed, would
accelerate “the acquisition of all the ordinary branches of
education’.”** The reason for drawing was an incongruous
mixture of Pestalozzianism and faculty psychology: *”

Drawing also, it was thought, ought to be taught to all children, no
less for its direct ability than for the influence it would have in the
cultivation of all their powers, by disciplining the eye, improving the
taste, and by awakening the observation both of natural and artificial
forms. Besides, a knowledge of drawing greatly facilitates an instruc-
tor’s power to teach; and in the absence of apparatus, it is his only
way of addressing the eye.

[76 }


Spelling was taught primarily by means of the slate, Page
feeling that “‘oral spelling had been too much relied upon”.
This was demonstrated, he thought, by the fact that good
oral spellers ‘frequently commit mistakes when called on
to write’’.*°

Each student brought his own ideas of grammar to the
Normal: ™*

Bullions, Goold, Brown, Pierce, Kirkham, Smith, etc., had their
friends, and the school in this respect resembles somewhat Paul’s
account of the Church at Corinth, where everyone had ‘‘a doctrine’’.
This, of course, awakened interest, called forth inquiry and tended
much to increase the knowledge of the science.

The executive committee reported that the members had
never attended a recitation in grammar without receiving
“some profitable suggestion or finding their own minds
- fillipped to think’.

In the teaching of reading, Page had done some original
work. Far as it may be from present theories of reading-
readiness and reading by sentences, it was well received in
that time. The emphasis was upon “the elementary sounds
at a very early stage of the child’s progress”. His Normal
Chart of the Elementary Sounds of the English Language
was in daily use in hundreds of schools in the late 1840’s
and the-1850’s. It was still advertised in “The National
Series of Standard School Books” among “‘teachers’ aids
and requisites’ as late as 1885. Many persons still living
doubtless first were taught to read by teachers who em-
ployed Page’s “whole science of elementary sounds’.**
With this chart, the Albany Evening Journal said, the child
could not “fail of becoming an accurate and pleasing
reader®’,**

The “higher branches” were stated as physiology, history
of the United States, natural philosophy, algebra, geometry,
surveying, application of science to the arts, use of globes,
intellectual and moral philosophy, and such other subjects
as the executive committee might from time to time direct.”

{77]


These higher branches were very similar to the so-called
“English subjects” of the typical academy of the period.”
However, certain fundamental differences can be pointed
out: first, the Normal School insisted upon a mastery of
the fundamentals before the students were allowed to pass
on to these higher branches; second, the Normal School
tended to emphasize the professional aspects of the subjects;
third, the Normal School selected only sufficient academic
subjects to train well-rounded teachers for the common
schools of the period, and omitted such subjects as foreign
language and advanced science, which were deemed
unnecessary for elementary school teachers.

It was found impractical to start a practice school in
December, 1844, due to the many duties contingent upon
the opening, and the frequent accession of tardy pupils.
However, Page at once began a series of lectures on peda-
gogy, believing that

the first great thing to be done in the school was to imbue the pupils

with a sense of the importance of the teacher's work, and of the neces-

8 of high qualifications for the successful discharge of a teachet’s
To accomplish this, he lectured on “the responsibilities of
the teacher, the habits of the teacher, modes of teaching,
securing parental cooperation, waking up mind, motives
to be addressed” and a number of kindred topics.

The executive committee reported that “a very com-
mendable spirit soon manifested itself in the school, in the
teachableness of the pupils”. They were said to be “willing
to descend again to the first principles, and to lay anew the
foundation stones of a good education”.

The instructors relied mainly upon “actual teaching and
thorough drilling.” They had “no desire to introduce novel-
ties or extraordinary methods”. The approach was pri-
marily pragmatic and utilitarian. The mottoes of the stu-
dents were said to be ‘Not how much, but how well” and
“Books are but helps”.

{78}


Serious attempts were made to “awaken an interest in
the subjects treated upon”, while books were regarded
merely as instruments. Above all, “it was kept steadily
before the mind of the student that he was receiving that he
might again dispense”. For many years, the seal of the
College has borne the quotation “‘Sapientia Non Sua, Sed
Docendi Causa”. In modern terminology, we might say
that the subject matter was “‘professionalized”. Frequently,
the question was asked ‘“‘How would you explain that to
a child’? Students even anticipated the question and said,
“If I were teaching a class, I would explain it thus.” *”

A practice school was opened during the second term,
in May, 1845. The design of the school was

to afford the normal pupils an opportunity, under the eye of the Prin-

cipal, to practice the methods of teaching inculcated in the instructions
which they have received.

Again, the object of the school was said to be ™

practicing the methods of instruction and discipline inculcated at the
Normal School, as well as to ascertain his “‘aptness to teach” and to

discharge the various other duties pertaining to the teacher’s respon-
sible office.1??

The members of the graduating class spent at least two
weeks each in the practice unit, one week as observers and
one week as teachers. Uniformity was secured by the
appointment of William F. Phelps, a member of the first
graduating class of the Normal School, as a permanent

teacher. He organized the practice school and remained
its supervisor until 1852.

Phelps believed in each student teacher’s doing his duty

fully and completely, as the following regulations promul-
gated by him show: **

I. That you be in the school room promptly 20 minutes before
the hour of opening every day during your stay in school in
readiness to attend to any duties that may be assigned to you.

II. That you thoroughly prepare yourselves for the work while
here; examine every lesson before you meet your classes; and
thus be enabled to conduct the exercises with animation and
interest.

{79}


III. That you take special pains to interest yourself in behalf of the
school ; that you study to promote its welfare, as if its prosperity
and usefulness depended entirely upon your own exertions.

IV. That you be prepared during the week of service to present at
least one ‘“‘topic exercise” of not less’ than five minutes in length.

V. That you be rigidly thorough in everything you teach, bearing
in mind our motto—“not how much but how well’.

VI. That your intercourse with the pupils be characterized by kind-
ness and calmness, and at the same time by firmness and
decision.

VII. That you punctually attend every meeting appointed for the
purpose of conferring on matters relative to the school. :

VIII. That while the general direction and government of the school
is left with the permanent teacher, you consider yourself
responsible for the deportment of pupils during class exercises,
as well as for their scholarship and progress while under your
charge; and—

IX. That all cases of disobedience or misconduct of any kind be
promptly reported to the permanent teacher.

X. That you keep in mind constantly the object for which the
school was established ; and that your own fitness for the duties
of teacher’s responsible office, may, in a great measure, be
determined by your course of proceeding while here.

Students in the model school—as it was frequently called
—came from the city of Albany. They were selected in
the order of their application, except that “cases of orphan-
age, or destitution” were entitled to favorable considera-
tion. Forty-five children, ages 5 to 16 years, were the
— first class.

At first, the model school instruction had been “‘gratui-
tous”, but in 1845 the committee resolved to charge a tuition
fee to those who were able to pay. Thus, the school was to
defray its own expenses, which were very moderate.**
Phelps received at first six dollars a week, and then, upon
gtaduation, $350 a year. “* The experimental school was
soon expanded to two rooms, accommodating 150 pupils.
Jf these, 100 paid tuition of twenty dollars a year and the
emainder occupied “free seats” reserved for ‘“fatherless
hildren residing in the City of Albany” in consideration
of the city’s appropriation to assist in fitting up one of the
rooms.*** 2

[ 80 }


_ This practice school has been in constant operation ever
since 1845. It was, however, changed from an elementary
into a secondary school when the Normal School gave up
the preparation of teachers for the common schools upon
becoming the State Normal College. The practice school
is now known as the Milne High School.

All the work, both in subject matter and in pedagogy,
including practice teaching, was so arranged that a person
with ordinary preparation in the district school could com-
plete the Normal School course in two terms. The summer
term began the second Monday in May and continued
twenty weeks, with a week of intermission early in July;
the winter term commenced the first Monday in November
and ran for twenty-two weeks, with a break at the Christmas
season. This procedure brought the vacations in April and
October, the months in which teachers’ institutes were ordi-
narily held, so that faculty and students alike could carry
the missionary influence of the school throughout a wider
area of the state.***

Graduation, however, was not to be based upon length
of attendance, but rather upon “moral character and literary
attainments” warranting a “certificate as a well qualified
teacher’. No one was entitled to such a certificate unless
he has remained in the school at least one entire term. No
certificate except one of full qualification was given. Grad-
uation was upon the recommendation of the principal and
faculty.° The executive committee was ‘anxious to expe-
dite the passage of students through the school as rapidly
as the public welfare will allow.” *°

Though the faculty was apparently very charitable in
examining entering students, it seems to have insisted upon
rather high standards of scholarship once the candidates
were enrolled. The problem of low degree of performancé
was discussed for the first time in August, 1845.

[81]


Two pupils, one of each sex, being judged not “likely to
become competent teachers”, were dismissed. However,
they made “such pledges and explanations” as to encourage
the committee to readmit them, their “connection with the
school to be continued no longer than they give entire satis-
faction to the faculty”.*** Neither was ever graduated,
however. The seat of the man was declared vacant some
months later, he having left the school shortly before the
examination and then having reappeared, without permis-
sion, to take the examination.*”

The question of maintaining the academic standards was
discussed rather fully by the committee. Owing to the
“peculiar circumstances attending the first organization”
of the school, no standard of attainment, other than the
judgment of the faculty, was set for the gaining of a
diploma. It was found very difficult to make this award,

from the fact that many have entered the school with a standard of

their own in their minds—a standard in some instances quite above a

practical course of study in such a school, in many others far below
that which ought to be insisted on.1%8

It was felt that a few may have obtained diplomas more
easily than they expected, while others were totally dis-
couraged after taking a few steps “toward what appeared
to them a distant if not dizzy summit.” Lest there be any
future misunderstandings, the committee adopted a course
of study, and proclaimed that “‘a thorough acquaintance
with the whole of it will be made the condition of graduat-
ing”. This course included the following: *

Orthography Normal Chart
Town's Analysis

Reading & Elocution
Writing

Geography & Outline Maps (with Map drawing) Mitchell’s
English Grammar (with Composition) Brown’s
History of United States Wilson’s
Human Physiology

Lee’s
Mental Arithmetic Colburn’s
Elementary Arithmetic Perkins’

[ 82 ]

Higher Arithmetic Perkins’

Elementary Algebra Perkins’
Geometry, Six Books Davies’ Lengendre
Plane Trigonometry as contained in Davies’ Lengendre
Land Surveying Davies’

Natural Philosophy Olmstead’s
Chemistry (with experimental lectures) Gray

Intellectual Philosophy Abercrombie’s
Moral Philosophy Lectures

Science of Government Young’s

Rhetoric Lectures

Theory & Practice of Teaching, Experimental School & Lectures.
Lessons in Drawing & Vocal Music to be given to all. Mathematical
Geog. Use of Globes, Elementary Astronomy, Lectures.

It was further provided that pupils who wished to do so,
might “make further progress in Mathematics”. Two days
after it had been adopted, this course of study was recon-
sidered, and the committee voted to require of male students
two additional chapters of Perkins’ Higher Algebra “with
the exception of the ‘Multinomial Theorem’ & the ‘Recur-
ring series’.” At the same time, in keeping with the view
that the minds of women were not so strong as men’s, it
was decided “that the females be excused from studying
Plane Trigonometry & Surveying”.

Difficulties of a moral sort arose about the same time.
Mr. Page reported that “certain of the students were alleged
to have been guilty of serious improprieties at the Charlton
House.” After “a full and patient investigation, it was
Resolved that the connexion of Lyman N. Ingalls with
the Normal School shall cease after this day’.*** Lyman
must have been quite a young man; it was he who had been
dismissed twice previously because of lack of application.

George R. Perkins, who succeeded to the Principalship
on the death of Page, reported to an investigating commit-
teen

I am sorry to say that since the first organization of this institution
our executive committee have deemed it necessary to expell three male
pupils and two female pupils. Of the male pupils, one was expelled
for noisy and indecorous conduct at his boarding place, and for indulg-
ing in spiritous liquors; one for passing a counterfeit coin, and the

[83 J


other for persisting in breaking a rule of this institution, which pro-
hibits the gentlemen of the school from calling upon the young ladies
of the same, after 6:00 P.M. The two female pupils were both ex-
pelled for theft; they having been detected in purloining small articles
of dress, etc., from their school mates. These are the only case of
expulsion that I know of.

I would add, however, that in several instances the faculty have
advised pupils to withdraw from the school, on the ground that they
were not believed to have sufficient intellectual strength, or were too
giddy, or indifferent in regard to their studies, to promise much as
teachers.

Tam not aware that any gross immorality has been committed by
any pupils, other than as above specified.

Many of our pupils are, to my knowledge, in the habit of attending
places of public amusements. . . ;

We have no special means of ascertaining whether our pupils are
out late at night.

The first change in the executive committee came in Feb-
_ tuary, 1845, with the expiration of Colonel Young’s term
as secretary of state. His successor, Secretary Nathaniel S.
Benton, replaced him as ex o fficio superintendent of com-
mon schools and as chairman of the executive committee,
and served until his death in 1849. Upon Francis Dwight’s
death, Dr. Harmanus Bleecker was chosen to the board.
The member of the original board to serve the longest term
was Gideon Hawley, who retired in 1852.** It is not within
the scope of this work to chronicle all the appointments
to and resignations from the subsequent executive commit-
tees. Suffice it here to say that many distinguished persons
from the Capital District have served the College in this
capacity from time to time. Among the names are Har-
manus Bleecker, R. Romeyn Beck, Robert V. L. Pruyn,
David Murray, St. Clair McKelway, Andrew S. Draper,
Dr. Samuel B. Ward, Frederick Harris, William Bayard
Van Rensselaer, Judge Newton B. Vanderzee, and many
thers.
_ In the first few years of the school, small subsidies were
jranted to the students. In 1846, $1700 was apportioned
to them for the summer term. Each person received three

cents per mile transportation allowance from his county
[ 84]


seat to Albany, and a small extra sum was awarded. Stu-
dents from Albany County received $2.41 each; Allegany ©
County, $10.09, and Erie County, $10.93.’*

The work of organizing, maintaining and defending the
Normal School was particularly gruelling and told upon
the principal. Worn out by his services so unstintingly
granted in the cause of education, Mr. Page caught pneu-
monia and died January 1, 1848. When he had visited
Horace Mann in Boston, en route to Albany, he had been
advised to “succeed or die”. This precept forms the basis
of a contemporary poem by Mrs. Lydia Sigourney, whose
favorite theme was death. The poem follows: **°

“Succeed or die.”
Teacher, was that thy creed?

The motto on thy banner, when thou camest
A soldier to the field?

“Succeed or die.”’

"Twas graven on thy shield. Unresting toil
Won the first trophy, as the grateful heart
Of many a youth to patient knowledge trained
Doth testify with tears; while many a man
Crowned by his Alma Mater, from the post
Of honor or of care, remembereth well
Whose strong, persuasive nurture led him there.
So thy first goal was gained.

But for the next,
The excelsior of thy creed;—methinks the first
Involved the second; for to die like thee
Was but the climax of a full success,
Taking its last reward.

Yea, such reward
As waiteth those who the young soul shall turn
To righteousness—name above the stars,
That in cloudless firmament of God
Forever shine.

Both succeed and die, Page did—the latter, however, not
until after a generous measure of the former. It is not too
much to say that the present New York State College for
Teachers stands as a living monument to this young man
with gentle ways and the zeal of the prophets of old, in the
cause of public education. It is commonly said that New

[85]


York did not produce in the ante-bellum period a figure in
public education worthy of standing with Horace Mann
or Henry Barnard. If Gideon Hawley and DeWitt Clinton
be excluded from consideration, this may be true; but one
is forced to wonder if the claim might not be different,
had not death removed Francis Dwight and David Perkins
Page from service when they had but recently begun note-
worthy undertakings. It seems to the present writers that
both had demonstrated high potentialities for future educa-
tional statesmanship.

Page’s second great contribution was his Theory and
Practice of Teaching, a pioneer book in the principles of
education. This book, published in 1847, “had its origin
in a desire to contribute something toward elevating an
important and rising profession.” *** Its matter comprised
the larger part of lectures on pedagogy that Page had deliv-
ered at the Normal School. While some of the material
may now seem quaint in this more liberal age,—particularly
his views on the use of tobacco by teachers—large portions
of the text could still be read with profit by the beginning
teacher. It manifests a broad scope of education and a
sympathetic understanding of child nature. Had all the
teachers who studied it as a text in normal schools and train-
ing classes taken their lesson well to heart, many terrors
might have been spared the children of the district school.

The volume attained a phenomenally large circulation,
and went through several editions. It was reprinted, almost
without change, as late as 1885." Winship, the educational
historian, wrote: **°

No other book on the subject of education has been read by so many

American teachers through so many years, as Page’s ““Theory and
Practice of Teaching’. No other book has had so great influence in
We Bee teachers, and to this day (1889) it remains the best book of
its kind ever written.

All the graduates of the school were profoundly im-
pressed by Page’s precepts and example. It became a

[ 86 }


custom for them to refer to him, ever after, as ‘the sainted
Page’. Asa contemporary said,'**

Of the hundreds of teachers who were under his care at Albany,
there was not one who did not look up to him with admiration and
love; not one who did not bear, to some extent, at least, the impress
of his character and influence. Men who were trained under him at
Albany are occupying high positions in the cause of education in sev-
eral of the Western States; and gifted young women, who, under his
teachings, were moved to consecrate themselves to the holy duty of
training the young, are now at the head of seminaries and female
schools of high order.

On the day that Page died, one of his pupils wrote to her
parents: **°

Mr. Page is no more. I can hardly write. I feel almost as though
I could bid goodbye to Albany, and leave the Normal School forever.
The school will go on as usual but our beloved principal will not be
there. Many will be the tears shed on this occasion, for his friends are
not a few. . . . Is it possible that we shall hear no more that rich and
musical voice as he rises in his place from morning to morning and
offers up a prayer to God, commending the interest of the school to
him who ruleth all things, and praying his protection upon all who
have gone out from the school in former times . . . my heart stifles
with emotion as I write.

One of his first Normal pupils, Phelps, wrote of Page,
fifty years later: **°

He is gratefully and affectionately remembered by thousands who
knew but to love, and named but to praise him, while his likeness is
engraved on the hearts of thousands more who never beheld ought
but his “counterfeit presentment”’ or who have read his earnest words
of counsel and encouragement. . . . He was a man whose dignity,
comeliness and grace of person were so impressive as to compel con-
fidence and affection at first sight. He was, indeed, the ideal type of a
noble man and perfect teacher.

The executive committee heard of Page’s death “with the
deepest feelings of sorrow” and regarded it “as a public
calamity.” A special memorial service was held at the
Normal, and the committee wore badges of mourning for
a month. The expenses of the funeral were paid from the
school funds.**"

Page was well esteemed by his contemporaries. Though
admitting that “Mr. Page was not a personal friend of
ours”, due to a misunderstanding which arose some years

[ 87]


before, a writer in the Daily Herald of Newburyport
declared that *** :

The early death of Mr. P. in the midst of his usefulness, and when
he was exerting an extensive and commanding influence on the cause
of education in the great State of New York, is a serious loss, for it
is hardly probable that any one can be soon found to supply fully the
place of him who has sacrificed his life in the faithful and arduous
devotion to his duties.

Horace Mann thought so well of Page that he had recom-
mended him for the Normal School ptincipalship. Too,
Mann had published at his own expense certain of the

addresses that Page delivered before the Massachusetts
teachers. These were probably “Advancement in the
Means and Methods of Public Instruction’, a lecture deliv-
ered before the American Institute of Instruction, at Pitts-
field, and “The Mutual Duties of Parents and Teachers”
delivered at the Lowell meeting of the same organization.

The poet Whittier, too, esteemed Page. In August, 1844,

he wrote to Page as follows: *°

LOWELL, 29th, 8th mo., 1844.
DEAR FRIEND:

The period being near at hand for nominating a Liberty candidate
for Congress in this District I take the liberty to enquire of thee
whether, in case thy name should be presented to the electors of a con-
vention, thee would feel under the necessity of declining to allow us
to use of it. No person in this District would obtain so large a vote
as thyself; there is no one who could so certainly unite the votes of all
who are dissatisfied with the pro-slavery position of the Whig and
Democratic patties.

I do sincerely hope thee will be willing to permit thy name to be
presented to the public. We can give thee 2,000 votes. We have two
Liberty papers now in the District; we are well organized and only
need such a candidate as thyself to ensure our ultimate triumph. For
the slave's sake, for the sake of the great principles of Liberty, let me
beg of thee not to decide hastily against us. This letter will be handed
thee by our friend Griffin, who will be able to give thee all informa-
tion needed in reference to this request.

Very truly thy friend,
J. G. Wurirmier.

To this appeal, Page replied that he could not “for one
minute consent that such use should be made of my name.”
He declared that he wished to continue in teaching and
that he did not wish to have his mind “distracted by the
strife of a political canvass’?

{ 88 }


|
| CHAPTER III
} A Growing Institution:
The State Normal School, 1848-1890.
{ 89 }
|


Fi
e
7

|
|
|
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|


nan

CHAPTER IiIl

A Growing Institution:
The State Normal School, 1848-1890.

The new principal was George Roberts Perkins, the
cousin of Mr. Page, and one of the first two members of
the faculty. Before his appointment at the Normal School,
he had taught mathematics at Clinton and Utica. He was
the author of several textbooks in that field, and was said
to be “perhaps the most accomplished mathematician in
this State’’.*

He was said to have been capable of “inspiring his pupils
with a love for that exact science by his original methods
of presentation and discussion that were in marked contrast
with the mechanical teaching so prevalent in the schools
of the period”.’ A former pupil described him as “in some
respects . . . a genius, developing many new and taking
ideas as to matter and method in the treatment of his favor-
ite subjects. He placed much emphasis upon “the intro-
duction of the scientific method into the work of the class-
room”’.®

Another alumnus described him as “in the full vigor of
manhood—tall and spare, perfectly at home in everything

pertaining to mathematics, from the multiplication table to

navigation, astronomy, surveying, logarithms, etc.” He
was “all mathematics” and had jokes “as dry as Sahara’’.*
Mr. Perkins served as principal until 1852, when he
resigned to take charge, as mathematician, of the calcula-
tions necessitated by the consolidation of a number of rail-
road lines into the New York Central system. He also had
charge of building the Dudley Observatory in Albany. For

[91]


a time, he was deputy state engineer and surveyor. In 1862,
he was unanimously elected a regent of the University of
the State of New York.’ | ;
Perkins was well known as the author of a series of mathe-
matical works, including “Higher Arithmetic” (1841), :
“Elements of Algebra” (1844), “Treatise on Algebra”
(1841), “Elements of Geometry” (1847), “Trigonometry
and Surveying” (1851), “Plane and Solid Geometry”
(1854), and a textbook on astronomy." His achievement
as an original scholar in this field is all the more notable
in view of the fact that he, like Page, had only a limited
academic education. Neither of these men had ever had
an opportunity to attend college—nor, in fact, had either
exhausted the offering of the academies of the period.”
Perkins carried on the work in the Normal School much
along the same lines as his predecessor. He seems to have
been an able administrator and to have possessed the con-
fidence of the executive committee. During his principal-
ship, the legislature passed an act declaring that “every
teacher shall be deemed a qualified teacher who shall have
in possession a diploma from the State Normal School’’.®
From that time until recent years, the diploma of the school
has been, in effect, a valid license to teach in accordance
with the rules of the state superintendent and the Regents.
The major contributions of Perkins’ administration were
secuting legislation placing the Normal School upon a
permanent basis, and the construction of a new building
in keeping with the needs of the institution. Early in his
regime, an act ° was passed by the legislature permanently
establishing the Normal School, which had hitherto been
regarded more or less as an experiment. It will be recalled
that the original act provided for its support for only five
years.”°
UT he hostility toward the school had by no means entirely
died out, and there were those who questioned whether it

[92]


should be continued, but the “memory of the martyr Page
seemed to disarm hostility and prejudice and to awaken
friendship and confidence’’.”

Nevertheless, it was said that, had the Normal School
been located at any point remote from the capital, its term
might not have been renewed. At Albany, the legislators
had been able to visit the institution and observe its contri-
bution to education in the state. At least one member of the
assembly reported to his constituency on “the comprehen-
siveness of the plan, the intelligence of the method, and,
above all, the earnestness of the spirit which characterized
the institution and its work’’.”

The original rooms fitted up in 1844 for use of the school
were no longer adequate. In addition, there was the con-
stant “‘noise of tradesmen in the lower story”.** The larger
enrollment of the school, now numbering 256, taxed the
facilities of the rooms to the utmost. The new law perma-—
nently establishing the Normal School also appropriated
$15,000 for a new building. This was to be erected on state
land, at the corner of Lodge and Howard Streets, “lying in
the rear of the geological rooms” of a building commonly
called ‘State Hall” or “Geological Hall’. The historical
sketch in the 1894 semi-centennial volume says the building
was erected at State and Lodge streets, but this is obviously
incorrect. An additional $10,000 was required to complete
the structure.” |

Discussing the plan of the new building, the executive
committee reported to the Regents that *

Its situation upon a corner lot, affording separate entrance for the
sexes is found to be a great advantage, for while the male and female
pupils are instructed together, they never meet except in the recitation
and study rooms, where they are under the constant supervision of
the teachers.

The school now had a permanent home “and it was

believed that henceforth no question would arise as to the
necessary appropriation for its support’’.* This “perma-

{ 93]


nent home”, which was opened July 31, 1849, was to serve
the school for thirty-seven years. It seems not to have been
well constructed, for the minutes of the executive commit-
tee during these years indicate considerable attention to
remodeling and repairs. Steam heat replaced stoves in
1877." It is interesting to note that the committee provided
for 168 “double desks” to be copied by a local cabinet
maker from “pattern desks forwarded from Boston’’.”®

At this time, humanitarians were manifesting consider-
able attention in the educability of the Indians of the State.
It was apparently felt that the adjustment of the tribes to
the white man’s ways could be accelerated by the training
at the Normal School of Indian youth who would return to
their reservations to teach. A memorial addressed to the
Regents, seeking their approval of this plan, was referred
to the executive committee, which looked “upon this enter-
prise with great favor’. Early in 1850, the committee
agreed it “would be pleased, if it should be approved of
by the Legislature”’.”°

Accordingly, a law was passed, providing for an appro-
priation of $1000 a year, “for the support and education of
ten Indian youths in the State Normal School”. The Indi-
_ ans were to be selected by the state superintendent of com-
mon schools from the several tribes within the state, upon
as equitable a basis as possible. The executive committee
was to be “the guardians of such Indian youths during the
period of their connection with the school,” and were to
pay necessary expenses, including travelling expenses. The
Indians were guaranteed “the same privileges, of every kind,
as the other pupils attending said school”.

The Rev. William W. Moore proposed to enter into a
contract with the executive committee to board the Indi-
ans.” He apparently continued with the responsibility
until 1853, when he left the city. Upon Mr. Moore’s rec-
ommendation, James H. Fellows was appointed “his substi-

[94]


a

tute and successor” to take charge of “such of the Indians
as might remain in town’.”

The venture of educating the Indians was not, however,
a success. Chancellor Upson, a friend of Perkins, declared
that the latter “had his troubles. He made a mistake when
he tried to teach Indian young men and women how to
teach... . The failure was not his fault, nor that of his
assistants. By a law of the State, he was compelled to try”.
The conclusion seems to be that the aborigines preferred
their original educational system, pictured by Longfellow,
which provided for training “without the book or licensed
teacher”.

During the Normal School period, twenty-six Indians
attended the school at various times, but the only one ever
graduated was Harriet E. Twoguns of the Cattaraugus
Reservation, who was awarded her diploma, July 13, 1865.
For a time, she taught Negroes in the South, and then
married a “Mr. Fox’.

The third principal, Samuel B. Woolworth, was elected
in September, 1852. He was a graduate of Hamilton Col-
lege. As principal of Monson Academy in Massachusetts,
Onondaga Academy, and the Cortland Academy at Homer,
N. Y., he had “made a reputation known and acknowledged
throughout the state”.

The unsuccessful candidates for the position included
John F. Stoddard, a graduate of the school in the class of
1847, and at the time president of the college at Bethany,
Pennsylvania; George Spencer of Utica; S. W. Robertson
of Troy; C. McMinn of Wisconsin; Dr. Baynard R. Hall
of Newburgh Academy, and Marshall Cerant, who was
nominated by ‘Miss Peabody’—presumably Elizabeth
Peabody of Boston, who founded the first English language
kindergarten in the United States.

Mr. Woolworth’s major contribution to the Normal
School was his insistence upon “‘a thorough and fixed divi-

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sion of labor, appointing teachers who each devoted his
whole time to a single department, he himself, as principal,
supervising all”. In his regime, “the departments of
instruction were made more distinct and teachers of liberal ©
culture, acknowledged ability, and successful experience
were secured for each department’’.*” Woolworth was the
first college-educated man to be principal. Both Page and
Perkins, it will be remembered, were largely self-educated,
“neither of them having ever been a member of any col-
iia

It appears that Woolworth suggested the introduction of
the lecture method, then coming into vogue in the colleges,
in the place of detailed recitation, but was rebuffed by the

executive committee, which

expressed their decided opinion against the substitution of lectures in
the place of text-books, except in particular designated cases. The
former, if thus emphasized, either promotes inattention, or if notes be
required to be taken of them, encroach improperly on the remaining
time of the pupils. The teacher also can hardly entertain proper views
of his own knowledge and capacity, who seeks to make them a substi-
tute for the words of other and more advanced scholars on the respec-
tive departments of study. Lectures should be accessories, not princi-
pals, in the State Normal School, with the sole exception of those on
school teaching.?®

The contributions of the Normal School in the first ten
years of its existence are clearly stated in the report of the
superintendent of public instruction for 1855. According
to this report, the expense to the state had been $100,000.
During this decade, there had been in attendance 2,263
pupils, of whom 780 were graduated. The per capita cost
of the graduates was $125; the per capita cost of all persons,
instructed for longer or shorter periods, was approximately
$45.

“The influence of these graduates upon the schools of
the State had been highly beneficial”. Not only did they
teach district schools, but they were often leaders in insti-

[96]


e |

"

tutes and teachers associations. They helped lead the pub-
lic mind to appreciate more fully the importance of a
thorough education. Even those who had left the profes-
sion were often active as school officers.

A fair estimate of the number of efficient teachers who have been
qualified for their duties through the influence of this institution,
would include hundreds, if not thousands, who have never entered
its halls, but who have been under the instruction of its pupils in the
several counties of the state.%°

Not all the students at the Normal School were young,
by any means. The student body was made up of ‘‘a curious
company” of “old time.teachers desiring to add its diploma
to their worth” as well as youths who worked on farms in
the summer. In one class were a widow and her son, both
experienced teachers.”

Woolworth resigned in 1856, to become secretary of the
Regents of the University of the State of New York. As
such, he took his seat immediately as member of the execu-
tive committee of the Normal School, and was at once
chosen secretary-treasurer.” As secretary of the Board of
Regents, he was the originator of the Regents examination
system which continues to the present time.**

Appointed the fourth principal was David H. Cochran,
the professor of natural sciences since 1854. He had previ-
ously been principal of a school at Fredonia. His adminis-
tration was generally conceded to be ‘a marked success’’.
An alumna recalled, many years later, that she could still
hear his “quick, soldierly step, see the flash of his bright eye,
hear his definite, well-chosen words, his kindly enthusiasm,
his sudden biting scorn of ignorance’’.**

The old problem of keeping the students in the school
long enough to warrant their being graduated continued
during the Cochran regime. The demand for even partly
prepared teachers was such that a large number of the
undergraduates, with the consent of the faculty, temporarily

[97 ]


withdrew from their studies and engaged in teaching. The
executive committee reported that

although they have not completed their courses of study, their influence
in improving the character of the instruction commonly given in
public school can not be disregarded.**

In common with other educational institutions, the Nor-
mal School experienced difficult times during the Civil
War. Two of the members of the faculty, Rodney G. Kim-
ball and Albert N. Husted, resigned their positions in
mid-summer, 1862, to take to war the company of soldiers
they had recruited from among the students of the school.*
This company formed a part of the 44th. New York Vol-
unteers, more popularly known as Ellsworth’s Avengers,
after Colonel Ellsworth who was shot down in Alexandria,
Virginia, while stripping a Confederate flag from a house.
The twenty-seven Normal School boys “were at once fully
armed and equipped. The faculty of the school presented
each of the officers with a valuable revolver, while contri-
butions from graduates and friends purchased a rubber
blanket for each normal school member of the company”’..”

The company participated in the battle of Fredericks-
burg, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, the Wilderness, Spott-
sylvania, Cold Harbor, the nine months siege of Petersburg,
and certain minor engagements. Captain Kimball com-
manded the company at the battle of Fredericksburg, and
until February, 1863, when he was granted sick leave. He
was honorably discharged on a surgeon’s certificate of dis-
ability in April, 1863, and returned to his teaching post
at the Normal School in June of that year.**

Lieutenant Husted continued in command of the com-
pany, participating in all its engagements. His life was
saved once by a diary and a testament in his coat pocket,
which stopped a bullet. He had other narrow escapes and
barely avoided capture. He was honorably discharged
when the company was mustered out of service in October,

[ 98 }


en

1864. He then returned to the Normal School and took
up the task of teaching mathematics. In this position he
continued until his death in 1912, at the age of 79. It was
his custom to address the history classes of the school each
year on his experiences in the war. His memory is preserved
in the Husted Fellowship and by a building named in his
honor. His life was “full of service performed with the
promptness of the soldier and the exactness of the skilled
mathematician’’.*°

Numerous other Normal School students and graduates
served in the war, the total being 106 of the 583 men gradu-
ated previous to 1863. They held ranks from brigadier
general to private. Ten men fell in battle, and eight died
in the hospital. The present memorial tablet in Draper
Hall in their honor is the third such. A framed document
in the Lodge street building gave way to a bronze tablet
which was destroyed when the Willett street building
burned. Four graduates served in the Confederate army,
one of whom was killed in battle.

The increased cost of living incident to the war caused
difficulty at the school. Though the executive committee
agreed to the “propriety and justice of an increase in the
salaries of the teachers’, they found it difficult to give all
the teachers such increments as seemed warranted. How-
ever, the salary of the principal was raised $300, and those
of four of the senior teachers $250 each.

Although considerable of the school’s interest must have
been distracted by the war, still the remaining teachers and
students carried on the work of the institution, and even
ventured upon a new departure, object-teaching. Mr.
Cochran, the principal, first called the attention of the
executive committee to this plan in July, 1861. The princi-
pal addressed a written communication to the committee
on “his views of the importance of object-teaching, on the
plan of Pestalozzi, as practiced in the London Home and

[99 }


Colonial Training School,” stressing the important aid
which the knowledge of this system would impart to the
pupils in the Normal School.”

Though Pestalozzianism was by no means new, and
though David Page had referred to the spirit and method
of Pestalozzi in The Theory and Practice of Teaching, the
time now seemed ripe for an emphasis upon this “‘progres-
sive” pedagogy. About this same time, Edward Austin
Sheldon was successfully introducing the formalized and
systematized Home and Colonial interpretation—or misin-
terpretation and perversion—of Pestalozzianism into the
schools of Oswego and starting the Oswego Normal School
on its road as the center of American Pestalozzianism.
Whether or not the interest at the Albany institution was
motivated by the developments at Oswego does not appear
definitely in the records, but it seems logical to assume that
it was, in view of the fact that in October, 1861, the secre-
tary of the executive committee, Dr. Samuel B. Woolworth,
reported that he had visited the schools of Oswego and
found the system in successful operation there.**

Since the introduction of this system of instruction would
involve the necessity of adding a new department to the
practice school and the alteration of the school building,
the committee considered the matter carefully and finally
decided to embark upon the venture, at an estimated cost
of $1000. This was to include “necessary apparatus for
the juvenile department’’.**

Miss Lydia K. Keyes, a graduate of the Normal School
in 1854, was engaged to teach the Pestalozzian system.
She was, at the time of Dr. Woolworth’s visit to Oswego,
studying there under Miss Margaret E. M. Jones of the
London Home and Colonial Training School, whom Dr.
Sheldon had imported for one year. The new department
was opened in 1862, the “juveniles” being charged “sixteen
dollars a year, payable in advance’’.*°

{ 100 }


Dr. Cochran resigned from the Normal School in 1864
to accept the presidency of the Brooklyn Polytechnic and
Collegiate Institute.*°

Again, “numerous letters of recommendation” of candi-
dates were sent to the committee. The candidates were
S. D. Barr of Watertown, Daniel Waterbury of Delaware
County, John H. French of Syracuse, Malcolm McVicar,
principal of the Brockport Collegiate Institute, and Oliver
Arey, principal of the Buffalo Central School. The last —
named was unanimously appointed in December, 1864.“

The criteria of the committee in making the choice are
not indicated, but it may be said that subsequent events
showed the selection to be rather an unfortunate one.
Whether it was his own fault or not, Mr. Arey was unable
to get along with the faculty of the Normal School.

Early in 1866, the troubles began. Professor Kimball
addressed a communication to the executive committee
“containing charges against the Principal”, whereupon he
was requested “to furnish specifications of the charges”.
At the same time, Professor John H. French, superintendent
of the experimental school, (who was named to that post
in 1865, though he had unsuccessfully candidated for the
Normal School principalship) asked the committee to
define his “position and duties as Professor of the Theory
and Practice of Teaching”. It appears, from this and
subsequent events, that he and Mr. Arey were not in accord
as to policies and procedures. **

Professor Kimball furnished the “specifications” and the
principal replied. Several other members of the faculty
also supplied “papers” and the principal made rebuttal.
_ Certain of the teachers resigned, and one of them could
not, even with an increase in salary, be tempted to with-
draw her resignation. The tempest continued to rage
throughout the year 1866, and was concluded only when
Professor Kimball and the other faculty members withdrew

{ 101 }


their charges, Mr. Arey withdrew “all answers which he
had made to the charges” and also “‘all charges which he
had made.against any teachers”. The principal then pre-
sented his resignation.” He left with the committee's
“appreciation of the fidelity with which he had discharged
his duties, and the assurance of their best wishes for his
future happiness, prosperity & success in life”.

Following his resignation at Albany, Mr. Arey became
the first principal of the State Normal School at White-
water, Wisconsin. There he organized the new school
along the lines of the Albany Normal School, emphasizing
in particular the elementary subjects and practice teaching.
He is said to have had a successful career at Whitewater
until 1876, when “he was unexpectedly dismissed by the
board of regents.” He returned to Buffalo, New York,
and finally became principal of the City Normal School in
- Cleveland, Ohio, in 1882, serving there only a short time.
Arey was succeeded in the Whitewater principalship by
William F. Phelps, a graduate of the Albany Normal, who
became a national figure in the normal school movement.”

It is difficult at this date to ascertain what the quarrel
leading to Arey’s resignation at Albany was about, for no
details of the charges are given in the minutes. When the
faculty withdrew their charges, all their papers were
returned to them. It may be significant, however, that
Chancellor Upson, in his address reviewing the history
of the College, in 1894, made no mention of Mr. Arey,
although he spoke highly of all the other principals—Page,
Perkins, Woolworth, Cochran, Alden, Waterbury and
Milne.**

Having embarked upon Pestalozzianism, it was natural
for the committee to think of Edward Austin Sheldon as
Mr. Arey’s possible successor. The secretary reported he
had corresponded with Dr. Sheldon, but that the latter had
declined the offer of the position.™

{ 102 ]


From the Sheldon correspondence, it is established that
Dr. Sheldon was intensely interested in the prospect of
becoming principal at Albany. He queried Dr. Wool-
worth as to whether he would have the “cordial support
and cooperation” of the faculty; whether Victor M. Rice,
the superintendent of public instruction, would favor the
appointment; whether the executive committee were unani-:
mous in offering the post to him. He stated that before he
accepted, he would expect to lay before the committee his
plans for the “reorganization and management of the
school’’.*°

Although convinced that he would “receive the hearty
cooperation of both teachers and school-officers’”, Dr. Shel-
don finally decided to remain in Oswego out of a sense of
duty to the normal school there.** By so narrow a margin
as one man’s refusal did Albany apparently fail to become
the center of American Pestalozzianism, for at this time
Sheldon was Pestalozzianism, and he would doubtless have
transferred its aura from Oswego had he accepted the
ptincipalship. Such an inference seems warranted by his
reserving the right to propose “reorganization” of the
school. The whole subsequent history of the Albany insti-
tution might have been different. Indeed, the change into
the Normal College in 1890 might well have not taken
place, had Sheldon made Albany so famous a center of his
cult as to stave off the demand for the preparation of
secondary school teachers there.

The executive committee was hard put to it to find a new
principal. Both Professor E. G. Northup, “‘late State Agent
of the Board of Education of Massachusetts’, and the Hon.
E. E. White, “late State Commissioner of Ohio”, refused
the invitation to head the Normal School. Other names
mentioned were the Rev. Dr. Joseph E. King, principal of
the Fort Edward Collegiate Institute, and A. P. Stone of
Portland, Maine. In the interim, Dr. Woolworth was to

{ 103 }


act as principal, there being small prospect of obtaining a
principal before the opening of the new term.”

Finally, in April 1867, the name of the Rev. Joseph
Alden “was mentioned in the most favorable terms”. After
an interview in Albany, he was elected to the ptincipalship,
and entered upon his duties, April 22, at the salary of
$2100, plus a dwelling house provided in the School build-
ing for the Principal ‘and necessary fuel and gas”. At the
same time, the title of ptincipal was changed to that of
president. This title Dr. Alden probably thought more
in keeping with his former dignity as president of Jefferson
College.

Dr. Alden had begun his long career in education by
presiding over a district school at the age of fourteen. He
entered Brown University but transferred to Union College,
from which he was graduated in 1829, After studying at
Princeton Theological Seminary, he was ordained a minister
of the Congregational Church and served at Williamstown,
Massachusetts.. He soon became a professor of Latin in
Williams College, and then turned to English literature,
political economy and history. In 1852, he became a pro-
fessor of mental and moral philosophy at Lafayette College,
and in 1857 accepted the presidency of Jefferson College,
a post he held for five years.”

Throughout this whole period, he had engaged exten-
sively in writing for publication, usually on educational or
" moral subjects, “chiefly of a didactic nature.” He fre-
quently contributed to such publications as Wood’s House-
hold Magazine, then published at Newburgh, New York.
This magazine, which attained a circulation of 150,000,
was established by Seth S. Wood, of the class of 1866.°°

Chancellor Upson described Dr. Alden as “‘sensitive,
impulsive, positive, impatient of contradiction, energetic,
industrious to the core, having a kindly spirit, an idolater
of the poet Bryant, a contemner of the poet Tennyson, a

{ 104 }


voluminous writer, a clear thinker, with a college record
as professor and president for thirty-two years.” *

Dr. Alden was reputed ‘to be a “‘severe critic, with but
few superiors’. Students recalled the “majestic presence
and severe dignity” which this “venerable man” presented
to them, yet he was not without the capacity to enjoy a good
joke, even in his class in mental philosophy. One morning,
even more abruptly than usual, he threw out questions to
test the students’ power of thought rather than their mastery
of the textbook. Having propounded some particularly
knotty point, he called upon a student named Johnson:
“Well, Mr. Johnson, what can you say about this?” Where-
upon Johnson, carefully and desperately feeling for an idea,
“began to talk about as near the question as the Wilson
tariff bill was near the needs of the American people.”
The doctor listened but a moment to the circumlocution
of the gentleman, and broke in upon him with great impa-
tience about as follows: “Johnson, why in the name of
common sense do you persist in putting the cart before the
mule?” ‘Because’, was the reply, “‘it is the safest place for
it.” The severity of the Doctor’s face gave place to a broad
smile, and amid the laughter of the class he quietly marked
10 upon his class-book opposite Johnson’s name, and dis-
missed the subject.®

This incident indicates that the statement is warranted
which describes Dr. Alden as having no tolerance “for
generalities or splurge”, although in this case he failed “to
make one who indulged in them feel ridiculous”.

Though schooled in the ancient languages, Dr. Alden
was heretical enough to hold the view that he “could
develop and discipline the minds of his students as well
by studying the English classics as he could by studying
Latin and Greek.” * In placing the teaching of English
literature on a par with the classics, he was most unortho-

{ 105 }


as

dox, but he was not sufficiently unorthodox to question the
theory of mental discipline then current.

Though it has been said that Dr. Alden attained less
success as an administrator than as a teacher or writer, due

to “the impression of impatience and condescension he
gave to those who had dealings with him” and to his school-
teacherish “habit of pointing out errors for the pleasure
of correcting them’, there is no evidence to indicate that
he was obnoxious to the executive committee at Albany.

Dr. Alden served as president from 1867 to 1882. These
were generally uneventful years in-the history of the school,
except for the admission of a Japanese, Senzaburo or Suizo-
buro Kodzu of Tokio, upon the recommendation of David
Murray, the American superintendent of education in Japan.
He was admitted in 1875 and was graduated in 1877, thus
making the Japanese percentage of graduation much higher
than the Indian. Kodzu was reported to have been beheaded
“on account of some political offense some time after his
return to Japan”. Perhaps he had learned too well the
lessons in democracy at the Normal School.

Though faculty salaries were raised slightly in the 1870's,
a small deficit in 1881 caused the executive committee to
reduce salaries, except that of the principal, four per-cent,
and to consider discontinuing the mileage allowance of the
students. Dr. Alden “peremptorily declined to avail him-
elf of the exception made in his case and insisted that the
ame reduction be made “from his salary as that from the
others”. Professor Husted and others protested their salary
cuts." Indeed, throughout much of his long service in the
school, Professor Husted seems to have encountered diffi-
culty in obtaining increments, and in protecting them from
a slash when at last they had been granted.

Dr. Alden left the Normal School, after his fifteen years
of service, with the unanimous acclaim of the executive
committee. In its resolution, the committee said he left the

[ 106 }

oe

|

school “in an excellent condition of efficiency and useful-
ness, a condition in a high degree due to his admirable
administration of its affairs.” He had been “very successful
in awakening, training and disciplining mind”. Under his
presidency, his pupils had been taught to think, and learned
how “‘to develop thought in others”. Dr. Alden was hailed
as “one of the few really great educators”, and a public
tribute to his success was paid at the semi-annual closing
exercises of the school.** A touching tribute was placed in
the minutes in 1885, upon Dr. Alden’s death.”

Dr. Alden was apparently well beloved by all who came
into contact with him. Many acts of kindness marked his
administration. When Amelia Daley was ill at Commence-
ment time in January, 1868, Dr. Alden went to her boarding
house at South Swan and Lafayette Streets, “pronounced
the magic formula, and placed in her hands her diploma’’.
Dr. and Mrs. Alden adopted Miss Daley, and after the first
Mrs. Alden’s death and the retirement of Dr. Alden, she
and Dr. Alden were married. At the class reunion in 1883,

_a letter from the Aldens in Pisa, Italy, was read to the

assembly.”°

In 1881, Edward R. Waterbury, a graduate of the Nor-
mal School in 1849, was named a member of the executive
committee. He had taught mathematics in the academy at
Fergusonville, New York, for three and a half years; had
been principal of Public School 3 in Hudson for four years;
and had been “professor” of English language and litera-
ture in the Albany Academy for thirteen years. He then
engaged in the insurance business, took private pupils and
served as a trustee of the Albany Academy.

Upon Dr. Alden’s resignation, Mr. Waterbury withdrew
from the meeting of the executive committee and was
immediately elected unanimously to the presidency, at a
salary of $2,500 and the perquisites enjoyed by his prede-
cessor."" Though it had become a regular custom to

{ 107 }


appoint alumni to positions on the staff of the school, this
was the first time an alumnus was elected to the presidency.
It remains the only such appointment, to the present time,
except for the election of Dr. John M. Sayles as president
in 1939. Dr. Waterbury enjoyed another “first” in his
record—he was the first principal to have a completely
smooth-shaven face, all his six predecessors having either
full beards, or at least, as in the case of Dr. Alden, bushy
burnsides.

The Waterbury regime was marked by four major events
—the reorganization of the alumni association, the compila-
tion of a historical catalog of the graduates of the Normal
_ School, the construction of the Willett Street building, the
third to be occupied by the school, and the installation of
a kindergarten department.

The general alumni association—or “association of grad-
uates’’, as it was then known—was first organized September
26, 1849 at ezght o’clock in the morning. The meeting was
called to order by William F. Phelps, then the “permanent
teacher of the experimental school”, Silas T. Bowen,
“teacher of intellectual philosophy, grammar, rhetoric,
etc.”, and William W. Clark, teacher of natural philosophy
and chemistry. All these three men were members of the
first graduating class of the Normal School.

The association voted to conduct meetings every two
yeats. These were held in 1851, 1853, 1857 and 1859.
Because of the Civil War, no other “jubilee” (as the con-
ferences were called) was held until 1867. The meetings
of 1868, 1870 and 1872 were not well attended and interest
- seemed to wane thereafter, the association lapsing into
semi-desuetude until Dr. Waterbury transfused new blood
into its veins.”

The association of graduates sought, and obtained, an
increase in Phelps’ salary early in 1852, in view of the work
he was performing to organize the alumni.” From time

[ 108 }


to time, it was the custom of the executive committee to
appropriate small sums to pay for the biennial meetings of
the graduates.”

At the beginning of Dr. Waterbury’s presidency, the
association of graduates was reorganized by Sherman Wil-
liams, 1871, Sumner H. Babcock, 1877, and others. It is
probable that the motivation for this new lease on life came
from the new president of the Normal School. For the
meeting in 1883, Dr. Waterbury and Andrew Sloan Draper,
a member of the executive committee, were appointed a
committee to aid the alumni association, as it was now being
called. This reunion, in December, 1883, was notable,
being attended by 600 graduates, many of whom had
travelled long distances.”

It was at this meeting that the idea of having the alumni
present a memorial window to the Normal School for the
new Willett Street building was adopted. The original
suggestion came from Dr. Waterbury. Committees were
appointed and subscriptions were obtained. Dr. Water-
bury was both chairman and treasurer of the committee
and, since the other members lived some distance from
Albany, the major part of the work devolved upon him.
Dr. Waterbury sent a circular to all the graduates, seeking
contributions of “not more than ten dollars each”.

The window was designed by Ezra Prentice Treadwell
of Boston, who described it as follows:

The central motive, as presented in the five principal panels, is the

development of mankind and of the arts and sciences as the result of
education.

The five divisions represent “the teacher and the scholar” (in the
central panel, the teacher having been the idealized face of D. P.
Page), surrounded by “the painter and the sculptor’, ‘the poet and
the musician”, “the orator and the scientist’’, ‘‘the narrater and the
historian”. The figures are life size; dignity and character are given
by the classic treatment of the figures and by the suggestion of the
academy as a background, while the tree of knowledge, the olive,
overshadows the group, and white doves, emblems of peace, float
above them. Filling the arch over this group, are the “‘marks’’, hiero-

t 109}


glyphs, of the early printers, as Aldus, Caxton, Guttenberg, etc., thus
symbolizing books, the great means for the advance of education.

As a contrast, and recalling the Dark Ages, are the five groups
forming the lower section of the window, representing, Folly, Igno-
rance and Vice, surrounded by the fanatic and the warrior with their
victim, the iconoclast, the ignorant and bigoted who martyr the saints.

The window is executed in mosaic of American colored glass, all the
Shadings of color in figures, faces and draperies being carefully
painted on and burned into the glass, while the outline drawing is
entirely in lead.

The total cost of the window, the largest single stained

glass window in the United States at that time,—thirty-two

3 and a half by fourteen feet— was approximately $5000.
President Waterbury collected, including interest, $2,313.78
during his presidency. Upon his death in 1889, the task
of completing the collection fell to Professor Husted and
Professor Edward A. Burt. The final payment was made
in 1892. The window was hailed as “a fit and enduring
expression of fealty to the state and the influence of edu-
cation’.

While it had been the custom, from time to time, for the
executive committee to report to the Regents and the legis-
lature the total number of graduates of the Normal School
who were actively engaged in teaching, no one had, within
recent years, made a complete record of all the graduates.
Dr. Waterbury set himself the task of preparing an historical
sketch of the Normal School and compiling a history of its
graduates, with their chief work in the field of education.
To accomplish this, it was necessary to reach more than 3000
people, scattered throughout the United States and in for-
eign lands as well.

At the time of his death, Dr. Waterbury had not disposed
of all the copies of this catalog of graduates. The execu-
tive committee purchased the remainder, paying Mrs. Wa-
terbury “the difference between the amount which the late
Dr. Waterbury had paid for the edition and the sum which

_ he had received from the sales already made.” This dif-
ference amounted to $274.91."

{ 110 }


That Dr. Waterbury would, at his own expense, under-
take the laborious work and financial responsibility of
compiling such a catalog at the same time he was busy
soliciting funds for the memorial window and actively
overseeing the construction of a new Normal School build-
ing is indicative of his love for and devotion to his alma
mater.

His major task was, of course, the planning and super-
vision of construction of the Willett street building. That
he was active in this duty is amply witnessed by the numer-
ous references in the minutes of the executive committee
during the period of construction.

In 1883, the executive committee applied to the legisla-
ture for funds with which to remodel the Lodge street
building of the Normal School, which was falling into a
sad state of disrepair. Indeed, it never had been entirely
adequate for the purposes of the school. When the appli-
cation for the appropriation came to the attention of the
finance committee of the state senate, the committee mem-
bers deemed it wise to make a personal inspection of the
property. Two members visited the Normal School and
went away convinced that it was entirely unfit for the pur-
poses of the school and that at no distant day it would
become actually dangerous.”

From the minutes of the executive committee, it appears
that that body asked the ways and means committees of the
legislature for $2000 for repairs, and for the appointment
of a special committee to examine the building “in order
to determine what steps should be taken for rendering it
satisfactory.” This committee recommended the con-
struction of a new building.

Informed of the findings of the senate finance committee,
the executive committee backed the recommendation by a
personal appearance before the ways and means committee
of the assembly. The result of this was the passage of an

[111]


act appropriating $125,000 for the purchase of a new site
and the erection of a new building.”

Several sites were offered to the Normal School. These
included property next to the old school on Howard Street,
a block on Swan Street between Lancaster and Jay, a lot at
Hudson and Lark, one at Eagle and Elm, one at Elm and
Hawk, one at Lark between Orange and Canal, several
properties from 118 to 128 Washington Ave., one on Wil-
lett Street midway between Madison and Hudson Avenues,
and another at Western Avenue and Perry Street (now
Lake Avenue) .*

Not realizing that destiny was eventually to locate the
school very near this last-named site, the executive commit-
tee eventually chose the Willett Street location facing
Washington Park and proceeded with the erection of the
third building to house the Normal School.

The new building, which combined all the undesirable
features of the schoolhouses erected in that decade of exotic
and gauche architecture, was not particularly esthetic or
adequate. Into its walls were placed the brownstone slabs
from the old Capitol. Although the new building was
doubtless more in keeping with the needs of the school
than either of the two previous homes, “its external archi-
tecture was commonplace and its internal arrangements
were well nigh intolerable.” *

Although he was a member of the executive committee
at the time this building was constructed, and was present
at all the meetings of the committee, Dr. Andrew Sloan
Draper was later, as Commissioner of Education, to regret
this architectural erratum. After it burned in 1906, Dr.
Draper remarked

When, from my front porch, I saw that ill formed and ill fated
schoolhouse go heavenward in flame and smoke on that keen winter

evening in January, 1906, I was as officially affected as was proper,

but my personal grief was not of the kind which is altogether uncon-
trollable.4

{ 112 }

The city having granted a release on any claim it might
have to the Lodge street site, and the legislature having
enacted a law authorizing its sale, the old building was
auctioned off on the steps of the City Hall, March 6, 1886.
The purchaser was Manhattan College of New York City,
and the price was $20,150.° The building eventually
became the property of the Christian Brothers and was
used as a parochial academy until 1939.

The Willett Street building of the Normal School was
occupied in September, 1885. The classrooms were fitted
out with cherry desks, some single and some double.**
There were rooms for experimental work in chemistry and
physics, a reference library and reading rooms, an assembly
hall with 614 “opera seats’, but no gymnasium. As in the
former buildings, living quarters were provided for the
principal within the school. Customarily, the executive
committee met in the principal’s parlor.

Dr. Waterbury was particularly active in overseeing the
construction of the new building, even going to New York
City and Boston to see the schools recently built in those
cities. For his extra services, the executive committee voted
him $1000 additional compensation.”

While the building was under construction, a fire next-
door at 80 Willett Street called the executive committee's
attention to the need for additional land to safeguard the
building from such danger in the future, and the site was
enlarged. The total cost of the building, including site,
was apparently $199,647.98."

When the Willett street building was occupied, several
persons gave to the Normal School portraits of men who
had been influential in its history. These included portraits
of Colonel Samuel Young, the first chairman of the execu-
tive committee; E. W. Leavenworth and Henry H. Van
Dyck, also former chairman of the board; the Rev. Dr. W.
H. Campbell, an original member of the committee; the

{ 113 }


late Chancellor John V. L. Pruyn, a trustee from 1863 to
1874; Robert H. Pruyn, a trustee from 1857 to 1862; Charles
L. Austin, a trustee from 1849 to 1866; General Franklin
Townsend, a trustee from 1851 to 1878; Dr. Jacob S.
Mosher, a trustee from 1869 to 1883; former President
Alden; David Perkins Page, the first principal; and four
members of the faculty—Charles Davies (1855-1857),
Joseph L. St. John (1874-1876), Sumner H. Babcock
(1882-1885 ) and: William F. Phelps (1845-1852), the
last portrait being given “by himself”.

It was, of course, to be expected that the newer trends
in education would affect the work of the Normal School.
The influence of American Pestalozzianism upon the cur-
riculum of the school has already been mentioned. The
other trend from abroad to influence the school was the
Froebelian kindergarten. Though the first English lan-
guage kindergarten had been opened in Boston as early as
1860, the public schools of the United States gave the
movement scant attention until] 1873, when William T.
Harris incorporated a kindergarten into the public schools
of St. Louis, Missouri. By 1883, the kindergarten move-
ment had proved itself sufficiently meritorious to attract
the attention of President Waterbury. In that year St.
Clair McKelway, a member of the executive committee,
“on behalf of President Waterbury laid before the commit-
tee a plan for the establishment of a Kindergarten as a
branch of the Model School.” ®

The committee resolved that provision for a kindergarten
be made in the building to be erected on Willett street,
and appointed Effie M. Fraats, “‘a member of the present
Staduating class as a teacher in the kindergarten when
established, on condition that she shall for one year pursue
her studies in the Froebel Kindergarten at Hamburg.” *

The committee in 1883 seems to have been wiser than the
committee in 1861, for the latter gtoup insisted upon having

{ 114]


direct access to the fountain of Froebelianism, whereas the
former had been content with the Oswego version of the
London perversion of Pestalozzianism.

Although assured of a position at $800 a year upon her
return from the Froebel Kindergarten School, Miss Fraats
apparently encountered difficulty in obtaining funds for
her year of study in Germany and asked the executive com-
mittee to lend her the money for this purpose. “It was
directed that answer be made that the committee had no
power to use the funds of the State for such a purpose.” ™
She apparently found the funds elsewhere, however, for her
biographical sketch indicates that Miss Fraats took a course
at the Froebel Kindergarten School and had charge of that
department in the Normal School from 1885 until her
resignation in 1888, when she married.”

Ida M. Isdell, ’84, who was originally engaged to play
the piano and assist Miss Fraats, succeeded her as “princi-
pal of the kindergarten department” and conducted the
Froebelian work until it was discontinued by the Normal
College in the 1890's.”

During the Waterbury regime, another bow to the “new
education” was made in the introduction of work in phys-
ical education and manual training. Although the new
building was not equipped for such work, the president
directed the attention of the executive committee to the
need for classes in these subjects. The work in manual
training was required by a legislative Act of 1888, enacted
at Superintendent Draper’s behest. Dr. Draper felt that
the introduction of the manual arts into the public schools

will add to the general comfort and convenience of the people, and it

will be doing something substantial toward dignifying hand labor, and
making it, in the feelings and sensibilities of the people, honorable.®*
Since it was felt that the work in manual training in the
public schools could not be carried on successfully without
teachers trained in this subject, each of the state normal

[115 }


schools was required to prepare teachers with some famili-
arity with this subject.” At this time, however, the Normal
School did not try to prepare specialists in the manual arts.

The work in physical education seems to have been
adopted voluntarily by the Normal School. While Dr.
Waterbury did not live to see this subject introduced, the
executive committee took up the cause of the new subject
and advised Margaret Sullivan Mooney, ’61, the teacher of
clocution, of “the desirability of her qualifying herself to
give instruction in physical culture’, but Mrs. Mooney
apparently succeeded in resisting the advice, for she was still
teaching “elocution, rhetoric and English literature” some
years later.**

Dr. Waterbury was a “good sport”. and a fatherly man,
though he could be very stern if necessary. He tried hard
to stop the practice of sitting up late to study and, in an
effort to make the students live more healthfully, issued a
card defining the requirements of the school and apportion-
ing the time for each activity and for rest.. He had asked
each student to be weighed when he began “to live by the
card” and again at intervals. It was expected that an
increase in weight would be indicative of an increase in
health. Dr. Waterbury frequently alluded to such matters
of health—“‘but as desired, not mandatory’”.*° And well
might the good Dr. Waterbury have been concerned with
the health of his students, for the alumni chronicles contain
numerous citations of death at a relatively early age, due
to “congestion of the lungs’, pneumonia, “consumption”
and overwork. Several alumni “came home to die” after
teaching only a few years; the health of others “failed” or
was ‘“‘impaired”’.*°

One Saturday afternoon, Frances Goodrich and three
other girls who lived at the “old Dutch house” at Swan and
Lafayette Streets kept by Mrs. Elizabeth Clow, found time
heavy on their hands,

{ 116 }


a

“What shall we do?” asked one. The quiet one responded “I have
a plan. Let us play a joke on Dr. Waterbury. You recall he often
speaks of our being weighed to show the value of “living by the card”.
Let us get weighed at Van Alstyne’s, have a bill made out to him and
receipted, and mail it to him.

The girls did not show any great enthusiasm for the plan. One
objected, ‘Suppose Dr. Waterbury should be angry or offended?”
“If there should be any trouble, I will go to him and take the full
blame.”

So Grocer Van Alstyne weighed each of the girls, made
out the bill to Dr. Waterbury ‘for weighing 4 girls @ 10¢
a head”. All the girls collaborated in addressing the bill,
which was then mailed. The following Tuesday, after the
devotional exercises, Dr. Waterbury, “erect and dignified”’
announced he had received the bill and concluded “I am
very glad the matter of weighing is being attended to. I
must not forget to state that the bill was receipted’. The
originator of the joke and the president “had a good laugh
together” about it at a reunion later.*”*

Though the Normal School sought, in 1888, an appropri-
ation for the construction of another building to accommo-
date the departments of physical education and manual
training, it was not forthcoming.*”

Dr. Waterbury died, August 28, 1889, and Professor
Husted became acting principal. At a special memorial
service, Dr. David Murray, Waterbury’s life-long friend
and associate, delivered the eulogy. The executive com-
mittee, in their minutes, testified to the late president’s
“accurate scholarship, affable disposition, . . . sincere inter-
est in the young” and the influence he exerted “‘so strongly
for the good” on so many lives.*”

With Dr. Waterbury expired the State Normal School,
as such. It was fitting that one who had entered the school
in its experimental period of five years should be the last
to lead the institution before it was converted into the State
Normal College, and its work directed to the preparation of
teachers for the secondary school.

[117]

oe = na be nae ” ROPE RAE ST: -


In these forty-six years, the Normal School had done
much to elevate the status of education in the public schools
of the state. It had sent out more than 3,000 graduates,
nearly all of whom taught for at least some years. It had
sent forth perhaps 7,000 others who had never completed
their courses, but still were more effective teachers than
when they had entered.** It had been instrumental in
introducing new subjects and new methods. It had served
as a living example that a state normal school need not be
“Prussian” in its philosophy and procedures. It had trained
outstanding institute conductors and educational statesmen.
It had, in short, well repaid the state for the expense
involved, and its early leaders for their faith in the normal
school movement and their devotion to public education.

{ 118 }


CHAPTER IV

The Milne Presidency:
The State Normal College, 1890-1914

{119 }



CHAPTER IV

The Milne Presidency:
The State Normal College, 1890-1914

The early agitation for and development of state-sup-
ported teacher training institutions in New York, as in
other states, was closely associated with the need for ptepar-
ing teachers for the common schools. The special mission
of the early teachers’ departments in the academies and of
the early normal schools was deemed to be the preparation
of teachers for the elementary schools of the state. Little
of no regard seems to have been given at that early date to
the thought that the state should prepare teachers for the
academies.

It may be conjectured that the emphasis was placed upon
training teachers for elementary rather than for secondary
schools for three reasons. First, the common schools were
much more public in character than the academies. The
philosophy of universal secondary education had not yet
become a potent factor in American life: the high school
had not yet become a universal public servant; compara-
tively speaking, few people went on to the secondary school.
The great public consciousness of the importance and setv-
ice of secondary education still did not exist. There was,
however, a widespread feeling that every child should
have at least the rudiments of a common school education.
This feeling, though voiced by the post-Revolutionary
writers, was in fact the first fruit of the missionary efforts
of Horace Mann, Gideon Hawley and numerous other
ctusaders for free schools. It would remain for later dec.
ades to win the battle to extend the public school system
upward. ,

{ 121}


Second, the academies, which were still limited in number
and in size, were obtaining a fairly satisfactory supply of
instructors from the colleges, and consequently did not feel
the same urgent need for professionally prepared teachers
as the common schools experienced. At this time, the
student body of the academy was a rather homogeneous
group, largely from similar backgrounds, of kindred abili-
ties and of related life interests. The group of students
who have been called “the new fifty per cent” did not, in
any considerable numbers, go to the academies; in many
communities they did not even complete the elementary
school program, until after the passage of the compulsory
attendance legislation in 1874, and its enforcement some
years later.

Third, the thought was current that teachers in the lower
grades needed special professional training to a greater
extent than did the teachers of older children. This theory
seems to have continued nearly to the present in a few
states, which have provided normal schools for the training
of elementary school teachers but have continued to look
solely to the liberal arts colleges for their high school
teachers. ‘That the same theory continues to exist almost
universally in higher education is so commonplace that the
proponent of professional education for college instructors
is not infrequently ridiculed by college professors of spe-
cialized subject matter. The theory still appears all too
common that if one has a mastery of subject matter he can
teach, without question.

Before the establishment of the New York State Normal
College, the high schools of the state could look for their
teachers to one of two sources, to colleges which specialized
in teaching subject matter by traditional methods but which
gave no place to pedagogy, or to normal schools which
were principally designed for the preparation of elementary
school teachers and were not equipped to give a proper

[122]


amount of academic training above the secondary level.
The larger communities chose the college graduates without
professional training in preference to the inadequately pre-
pared normal school graduates, but since there were not
enough college graduates interested in teaching to supply
the demand of the rapidly developing high schools, the
normal school graduate was, all too frequently, ‘‘the best
teacher material the ambitious small community could
secure for its embryonic high school’’.*

Even before the creation of the first state teachers college
at Albany, the state-supported institutions had made some
attempt to provide teachers for secondary schools. As early
as 1871, the local board of the Buffalo Normal School
authorized the establishment of collegiate and scientific
departments, the aim of the former being to “give the
opportunity of pursuing as thorough and as extended a
course of study in the Normal College of Buffalo as is
pursued at other colleges”. The board was of the opinion
that “there is room for one college in the State which shall
keep before it the idea of preparing teachers for high
schools and seminaries and, when its system is perfected, for
other colleges”. This plan, however, was apparently too
ambitious and the two departments were never established.
The Buffalo institution remained a normal school, rather
than a teachers college, until 1928.

Certain New York normal schools in 1867 and 1868
were making experimental attempts to train teachers for
high schools. The curriculum at Brockport included
advanced English and classical courses of three and four
years respectively, while the prospective elementary teachers
were graduated in two years.* At Oswego a classical course
including Latin, Greek, French and German was offered
“to qualify pupils to teach them so far as they are usually
pursued in the high schools and academies of the state’’.*

{ 123 }


In the late 1860's, the State Normal School at Albany
underwent a thorough curricular revision under the princi-
palship of Joseph Alden, who had served as professor at
Williams and at Lafayette and as president of Jefferson
College in Pennsylvania. A classical course was instituted
to make some attempt to meet increasing demands for
teachers of classical studies and to qualify teachers for
academies and academic departments of free public schools.
This course took four years, and was so designed as not to
“interfere with or impair the efficiency of the regular
course’’.”

Students were graduated from the classical course of the
Fredonia Normal School in 1871 for the first time. The
higher course of one or two years, in addition to the regular
elementary training course, seems to have been a fairly
common expedient for the training of high school teachers,
not only in New York but throughout the country.’

The rapid growth in the number of the free public high
schools caused a great increase in the demand for secondary
school teachers. Especially was this true in the high schools
organized in certain cities and villages under authority of
the act of 1853 which empowered union free school dis-
tricts to maintain academic departments.* The establish-
ment of these departments created a considerable demand
for additional teachers. Since the normal schools had
assumed the obligation of preparing teachers for the public
schools, they considered it a legitimate function to train
teachers for high schools, now that the field of the public
schools had been extended. This was the sanction for the
work carried on in the New York state normal schools in
the late 1860’s and thereafter.

In the late 1880's certain factors were operating to make
conditions favorable for the demand that the state should
do more in the preparation of high school teachers,

{ 124}


Of all the changes in public education, the growth of the high
schools seems to have been most influential in bringing about the
change of the normal schools into teachers colleges throughout the
United States.®

This statement of Dr. Pangburn’s seems to be equally true -
if confined to the state of New York alone.

For example, in 1886, William B. Ruggles, the state
superintendent of public instruction, pointed out that there
was a decided need for teachers who had a type of educa-
tion more advanced than that offered in the normal schools
or teacher training classes of the academies. Educational
statistics showed that the school-leaving age was gradually
rising. More and more youths were taking advantage of
the increasing amount of free, public education, but Rug-
gles felt that this education would not be worth much unless
the schools could furnish the broader instruction needed
by the older pupils. He also pointed out the gradual growth
of several types of special schools higher than the elemen-
tary level. He therefore urged the legislature to develop
departments of pedagogy in the colleges and universities
of the state to provide free education in courses that would
entitle the graduates to degrees and permanent teaching
licenses.*° Ten years later, Cornell University asked the
legislature to establish there a teacher training department
to prepare teachers for the secondary schools of the state.

Certainly the majority of teachers produced by the nor-
mal schools did not have a satisfactory basis of scholarship
for high school teaching. The normal schools were still,
all too often, accepting persons of mediocre basic training
even in the common branches, and giving them a course of
training based almost wholly upon methods rather than
upon cultural content subjects. The situation was better
in some normal schools than in others, it is true; but the
whole program was inadequate. Unless the normal schools
were prepared to demand high school graduation for

{125 }


ft

entrance and to require a thorough study of academic sub-
jects considerably beyond the secondary level, they could
not hope to aspire to train teachers who would make a
satisfactory record in the high schools.

As late as 1907, Henry Suzzalo of Leland Stanford Uni-
versity could say: *

It is one of the lamentable things in the control of our public edu-
cation that one large division of the system has had no widespread pro-
vision for insuring well-trained and properly certified teachers. I
refer to American secondary education.

On the other hand, if the normal schools were to demand
high school graduation for entrance, they would not receive
enough candidates to train for elementary school teaching.

, The normal schools had reached the stage where it appeared
that they had to choose between the preparation of ele-
mentary and the education of high school teachers. The
state solved the problem in New York by redirecting all
the normal schools except one to the preparation of elemen-
tary teachers, and by the conversion of the Albany Normal
School into a Normal College especially for the training of
secondary teachers.

The high schools which could obtain college graduates
with pedagogical training preferred them to inadequately
Prepared normal school products. By 1890, it was found
that the good work of the normal school graduates in the
elementary schools “formed so strong a contrast with the
work of the high school teachers that professional training
for the latter became imperative.” *°

Few colleges at this time made any pretense of providing
a professional education for Prospective teachers; in col-
legiate -circles, the idea still prevailed that the sole need
of the high school teacher was thorough scholarship. As

- late as 1899, there were only 827 persons in teacher training
courses in all the liberal arts colleges of New York state,
and, of these, 674 were enrolled in the colleges of New

York City.*® ise


- Another factor which may have exerted some influence
upon the conversion of the Albany Normal School into the
State Normal College was the surging tide of German edu-
cational thought, particularly Herbartianism, in this coun-
try. Emphasis upon pedagogy was growing, and several
German devices, including the seminar, were taken over
into American educational practice." Charles DeGarmo
and many others were returning to the United States after
graduate study in Germany, and demanding a higher grade
of professional preparation in this country.”

By 1890, the executive committee of the State Normal
School at Albany became convinced that certain changes
should be made in the institution. The conditions of admis-
sion were still so low that students of exceedingly meager
attainments in scholarship were permitted to enter, thus
imposing upon the faculty the burden of teaching subjects
on a secondary or even a post-elementary level. The execu-
tive committee felt that the efficient and high standing of
the school could best be restored by limiting entrance to
those persons who had high school diplomas, and by restrict-
ing the instruction in the normal school to purely profes-
sional subjects. Although there were doubtless normal
schools where the subject matter of the public schools
should be taught and emphasized, the committee was of
the opinion that there was no longer any such need in the
Albany institution.**

In October, 1889, the executive committee invited Wil-
liam J. Milne to the principalship of the Normal School.
Dr. Milne had been engaged in teaching for several years,
and, at the time of his appointment at Albany, was principal
of the State Normal School at Geneseo, which he had organ-
ized in 1871. Before that, he had taught at the Brockport
Normal School from 1867 to 1871. Dr. Milne was well
known throughout the state as a school administrator and
as an author of a widely used series of textbooks in mathe-

{ 127 }


_—

matics. There are still many adults who recall with delight
—or with wry faces—the “Milne Arithmetic’.

Dr. Milne was graduated from the University of Roches-
ter in 1868. From the same institution he received the M.S.
degree in 1871 and the doctorate in philosophy in 1877.
In 1878, DePauw University conferred upon him the degree
re) age ie Oe © ee

Dr. Milne had attained a considerable reputation at the
Geneseo institution. So great was his prestige that he was
the candidate of the teachers of the state for the superin-
tendency of public instruction in 1886. It was Andrew
Sloan Draper who captured the Republican caucus and the
election to this position, largely through political means.
As Draper himself said:

I went about getting it. It did not come unexpectedly and was not
urged upon me. I started a canvass for it.

Now, Dr. Draper was chairman of the executive commit-
tee of the Normal School, and with the informal consent
of the committee members, he wrote to Dr. Milne to ascer-
tain “whether he would under any circumstances accept the
Presidency of this school if tendered to him’.

Dr. Milne wrote two lengthy communications by way of
reply, “setting forth his views as to the best policy for the
School in the future, and the conditions on which he would
probably be willing to come here.” After a full discussion
of the matter, the executive committee was in sympathy with
the views he had expressed, and invited him to accept the
presidency. No other candidate appears to have been con-
sidered. Dr. Milne accepted the tender, and took office,
October 29, 1889, at a salary of $2500.”

Although Dr. Milne’s two communications have been
lost, it is not difficult to reconstruct his conditions, in view
of the fact that the work of the school was shortly revised.
Interested in raising the standards in teacher training, Dr.

[ 128 }


x

Milne insisted that the course of study be extended, that
admission standards be raised and that the Normal School
be made into a purely professional institution. Since these
conditions were in accord with the viewpoint of the com-
mittee, the work of the school was radically changed.

It was decided that after February, 1892, instruction
should be given only in such professional subjects as phi-
losophy of education, systems of education, history of edu-
cation, methods of teaching and “such other matters as
bear directly and immediately upon the work of a teacher”.
It was decided to broaden the methods work so as to include
all the subjects customarily taught in the public schools.”

The executive committee felt that aside from the urgent
need for such a course, it*would be desirable to keep pace
with the more recent trends in education. While much had
been done

to render the instruction of little children philosophical and rational,
there was still no institution anywhere which offered students the
privilege of fitting themselves to yeep the subjects studied by boys
and girls who had passed beyond the elementary gtades. Good and
wise and effective methods had been devised to interest and inspire
the youngest pupils, but nothing had been done to provide for the
Proper training of teachers for advanced work.

Recognizing the imperative need for such a course, the
executive committee decided to provide a place where
teachers might be prepared to give instruction in any subject
taught in the public schools, and thus ‘“‘save children from
the evils of the gross empiricism to which they had hitherto
been subjected’’.®

Another consideration which led to the change in the
emphasis at the Albany Normal School was the fact that
most of the graduates of this particular school were not
going into the district schools to teach, but were being
called to larger communities, for their talent and training
commanded larger salaries than the smaller districts were
able or willing to pay. For example, many went to New

{ 129 }


PPSEEUU EE EEE Lee hE

e

: York City and to Brooklyn, where thiey often rose to prin-

cipalships.

The committee recognized the futility of attempting to
supply teachers to common schools, for it was then felt that
the district schools must look to the training classes in the
secondary schools or to the other state normal schools for
their teachers. It would, then, be the course of wisdom for
the Albany institution to prepare its graduates to become
teachers of teachers—, that is, to conduct training classes
in the secondary schools. Because such teachers of training
classes should have mastery of both subject matter and
methods, and because it was felt that the normal school
course would be too short to provide both of these in a
thorough manner, it was decided to demand a mastery of
high school subject matter before entrance, and to concen-
trate upon a complete and practical professional training
at the Normal College. Since the new course was thought
to be much more extensive and difficult than any other, it
was considered advisable to grant some honor to students
who completed it satisfactorily. Application was therefore
made to the Regents for permission to grant degrees, and
such permission was granted.”°

Subjects as such were not to be taught, for the entire
talent and energy of the instructors were to be utilized “in
producing teachers who are thoroughly informed regarding
the most approved methods of instruction, the philosophical
basis upon which the methods rest, the development of the
educational systems of the world, and who have been
trained in a rational way to secure the best possible results
in the schoolroom’’.*”

The necessary authority to make these sweeping changes
was granted by the Regents of the University of the State
of New York in a series of resolutions passed March 13,
1890. These resolutions provided:

[ 130 }


1. That under authority granted by the legislature, the name of the
State Normal School should be changed to New York State Normal
College.

2. That the instruction should be restricted to methods, school econ-
omy, philosophy and history of education, and ‘‘such other matters
as are properly and directly connected with the science and art
of teaching.”’

3. That the college might confer the bachelor of pedagogy degree
upon persons completing the course of study, and that master’s and
doctor's degrees in pedagogy might be conferred under conditions
which seemed proper to prescribe.

The strictly professional character of its work marked the
Normal College as “a unique institution for the preparation
of teachers’’.*® ;

The first class to complete the Normal College course was
graduated in 1891. At the same time the bachelor’s degree
in pedagogy was conferred upon certain graduates of
“literary colleges” in New York and other states who
had completed a one year course in Normal College
and demonstrated their ability to “instruct and manage
pupils properly’.*° No attempt was made to confine the
school to purely professional courses until all the students
who had entered under the old Normal School plan were
given an opportunity to be graduated. The practice facili-
ties were expanded to include a high school, so that the
college had in its model school the “unique equipment”
of every grade below the college level.”

In 1890-1891, there were three graduates in the collegi-
ate course, six in the course for kindergartners, and nearly
150 in the so-called English course.** From this it appears
that few of the students under the Normal School plan were
qualified to receive degrees, or chose to do so. In 1893,
ten persons who held degrees of M.A., B.A. or B.S. from
other colleges were graduated."* Students had entered upon
diplomas from twelve other colleges and from four normal
schools.**

The announced intention of limiting the instruction to

work in professional subjects was carried out,* but the

{ 131 }


intention of preparing high school teachers failed of
achievement in any marked degree. In fact, the school
continued to train elementary teachers, and this was its
chief business until 1906.°° It was expected, however, that
some of these persons who took the elementary training
course would become teachers of training classes rather
than elementary school teachers. That many of them did so
is evident, for many of the training class teachers and at
least one instructor in each of the normal schools, except
one, were graduates of the State Normal College.*’ Other
than in the limited number of students who took the work
for the Pd.B. degree, the principal difference between the
State Normal College and the other normal institutions of
the state seems to have been the higher entrance qualifica-
tions required and the wholly professional work offered at
Albany.

The philosophy and procedures of the school in the
Normal College period were discussed at length by Dr.
Milne.** He pointed out that the college differed from the
ten other normal schools of the state, in that they spent a
considerable part of their energies in instructing in the
ordinary secondary school subjects, whereas the Normal
College alone gave instruction in professional subjects only.

No subjects taught in any high school, college or university form a
part of its curriculum and study. No higher courses are offered in
mathematics, philosophy, science, literature or any other subject in an
academic or collegiate course, but the student’s time and energy are
expended for at least two years in studying methods of teaching, the
philosophy of education, sanitary science and themes of current inter-

est to educators. The entire energy of the instructors... is
expended upon professional subjects.

A person might still go to another normal school to get

a general education fitting him for business or for college,
Dr. Milne held, but

no one will think of attending the Normal College who has not
deliberately resolved to qualify himself to become a teacher, and this
is one of its marked characteristics.

{ 132}


Dr. Milne thought that the most singular advantage of his
plan was the singleness of purpose in the Normal College.
He held that the student’s “time, his thought and his inter-
est” would be “all occupied” in the professional courses,
and his ambition would be ‘“‘to excel in teaching rather than
in scholarship”. It would appear, then, that Dr. Milne
thought the general education of the secondary school cur-
riculum was an adequate basis in subject matter for teaching
those very same subjects in the public high schools. His
tendency in the first few years of his presidency seems to
have been to place an overemphasis upon pedagogy at the
sacrifice of a broad, cultural education. It should be remem-
bered, of course, that the Normal College was a pioneer
institution, and that its leaders were attempting to find their
way in unexplored territory.

The work of the school consisted of

reading upon educational reforms and educational theories . . . dis-
cussions and dissertations upon the philosophy of education, the his-

tory of education, the theories of education, the reformers and the
leaders in education, and many other matters, so that the student at
graduation goes forth to his work with a knowledge of what the world

has been doing and thinking upon education, with well formed ideas

of his own upon every conceivable phase of educational theory and
novelty, and with an earnest purpose and eager desire to put into
actual practice the principles which he believes to have been establishd

and the methods which are in accord with the laws of mental growth.
The days were “well nigh passed”, Dr. Milne contended,
“when mere knowledge will be presumed to be an evidence
of capacity to teach”. Unfortunately, at this particular
period, he helped to inaugurate a philosophy in which
ability to teach was based largely upon glibness in the use
of pedagogical terms rather than upon a thorough integra-
tion of theory and subject matter. Dr. Milne was sound in
his insistence upon an understanding of child nature, but
he did, at this early period of his presidency, seriously
neglect to provide for a mastery of the subject matter to be

taught.

{ 133}


As will be noted later in this chapter, Dr. Milne’s view-
point was destined to change in favor of an increased
emphasis upon subject matter. In the early days of his
presidency, however, he held strongly to the viewpoint
that pedagogy was superior to the content subjects in the
preparation of a teacher. A graduate of this period has said
that Dr. Milne’s “lack of the academic viewpoint in the
education of teachers was responsible for much of the char-
acteristically superficial work done back in the ‘gay nine-
ties’”’. At this time, Dr. Milne reiterated to his students in
the philosophy of education “‘you high school teachers need
not know much chemistry; if you only know the methods
of teaching chemistry, you will get along creditably”.**

It would appear that Dr. Milne was then swimming with
the current of the best educational thinking of his profes-
sional colleagues. As is usual in any revolutionary period,
the zealots of pedagogy were making wild claims for their
particular ideology. History was destined to prove their
over-emphasis upon pedagogy to be misplaced, but at the
time they were in the ascendant. Only through considerable
trial and error was a reasonable balance to be struck between
so-called content material and the professional subjects, in
the preparation of teachers.

The two viewpoints were frequently discussed in national
and state professional meetings. The sub-committee on
the training of teachers of the National Educational Associ-
ation reported, in 1895: *°

Whether academic studies have any legitimate place in a normal
or training school is a question much debated. It cannot be supposed
that your committee can settle in a paragraph a question upon which
many essays have been written, many speeches delivered, and over
which much controversy has been waged. . . . He who learns that he
may know and he who learns that he may teach are standing in quite
different mental attitudes.

Great variations existed in the philosophy of the teacher
education institutions throughout the United States. A
committee which studied this subject in 1897 reported that

{ 134]

the majority of these institutions were stil] committed to
primary emphasis upon content subjects. It then went on
to say: *

There is another class of normal schools which profess to do no
academic work, and to be purely professional schools. This is par-
ticularly the case with the New York Normal College (Albany).

By the close of the nineteenth century, the attitude of
those educators who had emphasized the preeminence of
pedagogy was changing. Speaking before the Department
of Superintendence in Columbus, Ohio, in 1899, Dean
James E. Russell of Teachers College, Columbia University,
stated what he considered to be “‘the essential qualifications
in the professional training of teachers of secondary
schools”. These were general knowledge, professional
knowledge, special knowledge and skill in teaching. ‘The
liberal culture implied in four yeats of training in advance
of the grades to be taught is surely not too much to require
from every applicant for secondary teaching’’, he declared.

Two years later, at Detroit, he emphasized that “the
collegiate education of the secondary teacher should be
general in character and liberal in its nature and influence.”
No ordinary normal school could equip the prospective
secondary school teacher with this special scholarship, he
felt. Only two courses were open: “to provide in the
normal schools a distinct course to train college graduates
for secondary schools” or “to establish, in connection with
universities, professional schools for teachers’’.*?

The first of these alternatives had been tried at Albany,
with considerable success, but it was eventually thought to
be a better procedure to take high school graduates and give
them a four year course in liberal arts and pedagogics. It
appears that Dr. Milne’s thinking was also changing, for
early in the 1900's he added to the Normal School staff
several professors whose primary interest was academic
rather than narrowly pedagogic.

{ 135}


Dr. Milne wrote that certain of the colleges and universi-
ties were offering elective or post-graduate courses in “the
science of pedagogy’, but that,

without in the least disparaging the work they are doing, we say
frankly that a few lectures upon the history and philosophy of edu-
cation supplemented by some lectures upon the teaching of some of
the sciences or mathematics can not give any assurance that the person
who attends the lectures is in any way qualified to give proper instruc-
tion to youth. We might as well infer that a few lectures on color
and the methods of the great painters could produce finished artists.*#

To use Dr. Milne’s own figure of speech, history was to
demonstrate that he was giving great attention to the tech-
nique of painting, and a comprehensive analysis of the
work of the old masters, but was supplying his artists with
inferior oils with which to paint. He himself was soon to
recognize this criticism, and to reorganize the program of
the Normal College.

This criticism is not so just when one thinks only of the
students who were already graduates of colleges, but it is
warranted when it is remembered that most of those who
enrolled at the Normal College were only high school grad-
uates. And it would be difficult to support the claim that
the typical high school of that period was providing a
sufficiently wide or thorough acquaintance with subject
matter to exempt future high school teachers from exposure
to the liberal arts beyond the secondary school level.

When Dr. Milne’s early reforms had been instituted,
there were six courses of study in the Normal College.*
The so-called “English course” consisted of two years of
work almost exclusively in professional subjects—psychol-
ogy, philosophy of education, school economy, school law,
sanitary science, history of education, practice teaching, and
methods of teaching each of the following subjects: num-
ber, arithmetic, geography, grammar, composition, reading,
vocal music, algebra, geometry, physics, history, drawing
botany, zoology, physiology, object lessons (a relic of

{ 136 }

}
|
j
i
:


Pestalozzianism), civil governments, penmanship, chemis-
try, bookkeeping, physical geography, mineralogy, geology,
thetoric, solid geometry, English literature, familiar science,
astronomy, political economy, and the kindergarten. It
should be remembered that all these were methods, not
content courses. Undoubtedly, there was some review of
subject matter, however. The only non-professional sub-
jects taught as such were elocution and physical culture.
No degree was conferred in this “English course’, but the
gtaduate received a license to teach for life.

The so-called “classical course” was practically the same
as the English course, except that it also included methods
in Latin and in one of the following: Greek, French or
German. Graduates of this course, which was also two
years in length, received the degree of bachelor of peda-
gogy, and a license to teach for life.

A “supplementary course” included no more methods as
such, but rather a reading of 27 books such as Rousseau’s
The Emile, Carpenter's Mental Physiology, Froebel’s The
Education of Man, Mahafty’s Old Greek Education, and
Whewell’s History of the Inductive Sciences. Upon com-
pletion of this “supplementary course’’, the graduates of the
“English course” received the Pd.B. degree, and graduates
of the “classical course” received the Pd.M. degree.

A “course for college graduates’ permitted the “gradu-
ates from literary colleges” to select, with the approval of
the faculty, from the other curricula of the college a course
that might be completed in one year. Upon completing
such a course and showing “‘their ability to instruct and
manage pupils properly’, they were awarded the Pd.B.
degree and a license to teach.

A “special course” was designed especially for persons of
some experience as teachers who realized “very keenly the
need of professional training”. The course included “‘sub-
stantially the subjects prescribed in the first and last terms

{ 137]


of the English course”—that is, psychology, philosophy of
education, school economy, school law, history of education,
clocution and several phases of methods. This one year
course led to a life license to teach.

Elective courses were open to “persons of maturity who
have had large and successful experience in teaching, but
who have not the attainments in scholarship required for
admission into the regular course”. No degree or diploma
was awarded for this work.

The “course for kindergartners” was open only to high
school or academy graduates who were “mentally fitted to
comprehend and apply understandingly the truths underly-
ing the Froebel system.” They were required to “have a
natural love for children, so that they may enter into childish
joys and sorrows in a sympathetic manner.” The ability
to play the piano and “a true ear and voice for singing”
were demanded. This one year course led to a diploma
which was not, however, a license to teach.

Queer as it may seem, there is scarcely any mention in
the minutes of the executive committee regarding the
change from the Normal School to the Normal College.
Implicitly, much is contained in the resolution of the com-
mittee to the effect that it was in sympathy with the views
expressed by Dr. Milne in his two letters to the body, when
the presidency was offered to him. Again, in December,
1889, occurs this minute: *

on motion it was ordered that Dr. Milne be requested to prepare and
submit to the Executive Committee, for its consideration, a plan for
the reorganization of the Normal School with a view to making it a
professional school of a high grade.

Early in February, 1890, Dr. Milne made this report and
it was adopted, the chairman, Dr. Draper, being directed
to present to the legislature a bill to carry into effect the
provisions recommended. The committee did not meet
again until July, at which time the transition to the Normal

{138}


College is indicated merely by the following matter-of-fact
statement: *

Mr. Hun moved that hereafter no purchases shall be made by any
one on account of the State Normal College except on the direct order

of the President .. .

Between these two dates, the law had been passed which
authorized the change in the fundamental function of the
school from the old-type normal school into a highly pro-
fessional institution.

Certain internal readjustments in the college had to be
made, in view of the changed purpose of the institution.
First, President Milne’s plan made some of the faculty
unnecessary, now that subjects as such were not being
taught. Miss Anna E. Pierce was granted a year’s leave
of absence; Miss Kate Stoneman was “released from a cer-
tain portion of her duties and placed upon half-pay for
the same period’; Miss Anna A. Farrand was dismissed;
Miss E. Helen Hannahs was reduced to half-time employ-
ment and “required to take the course in methods of teach-
ing if she desires to remain in the institution”; Mrs. Mar-
garet S. Mooney was advised to prepare herself to teach
physical culture, and other teachers’ resignations were
accepted.*°

One of the new positions to be filled was the professor-
ship of the methods of teaching ancient languages. This
was awarded to Professor Floyd J. Bartlett, a graduate of
Yale College, with eight years’ subsequent teaching experi-
ence. Mr. Bartlett resigned in 1895, and was succeeded by
Dr. Leonard Woods Richardson, formerly of Trinity Col-
lege in Connecticut, at a salary of $2000 ‘‘on trial for one
year”.*° This year’s trial was apparently satisfactory, for
Dr. Richardson was destined to remain with the college
until his retirement in 1929. Dr. Richardson had a strong
undergraduate preparation in the classical languages, but
his graduate work was in German. He once told Professor

{ 139 }


eee ee ee

Adam A. Walker, one of his colleagues, that he was proud
of the fact that during his study in Germany he had spent
at least ten minutes in every place ever visited by Goethe.”

One of the college buildings erected in 1928-29, origi-
nally named for Ellen Richards, the “founder of home eco-
nomics’, was renamed in Dr. Richardson’s honor when it
seemed incongruous to have a building named for Miss

_ Richards after the department of home economics was dis-

continued. His memory is further perpetuated by a bronze
plaque bearing his likeness and by the Leonard Woods
Richardson Greek Theatre at the Alumni Residence Hall
property on Ontario Street. These are tangible memorials;
for years to come, his greatest memorial will be in the
hearts and minds of the hundreds of teachers to whom he
brought his scholarly love for the classics and the finer
things of cultured life. Former students who may have
forgotten most of the Latin and Greek he taught them will
long remember the concomitants that came from his vener-
able presence.

Another adjustment in the Normal College was the
needed expansion of the library. This was attended to by
the expenditure of $1000 for books “‘on the subjects of
pedagogy”. Several of these works, still labeled “State
Normal College” constitute valuable works of reference
for the student interested in the history of American educa-
tion in the late nineteenth century. They include such
works as Pestalozzi’s Leonard and Gertrude, De Garmo’s
works on Herbartianism and Quick’s Educational Reform-
ers.

The major adjustment necessary was the addition of
another building to the institution, to “carry out the objects
of the college, especially in the direction of physical culture
and High School for teaching purposes”. Application was
made to the legislature for the funds to carry out the pro-
posed plan, “the rough estimate for the same being seventy-

{ 140 J


five thousand dollars’, but it was found impossible to buy
the necessary land “‘at any price’ at that time.”

From the problems above enumerated, together with “a
rebellion on the part of the janitors’, a leaky roof of the
Willett Street building, the introduction of electricity into
the college building, and the petitions of graduates of the
Normal School period for degrees in recognition of work
carried on elsewhere, Dr. Milne seems to have had a busy
time during his first few years in the presidency. This last
problem was solved by a resolution of the executive com-
mittee to the effect that ‘“‘no degrees could be granted except
after resident study and satisfactory examination’’.”®

_ This matter settled, a more serious one arose. Six of the

650 students died of typhoid fever, and the local press,
particularly the Albany Argus, alleged the disease was
caused by unsatisfactory sanitary condition in the college.
The building was, indeed, poorly suited to the needs of
the institution. The internal arrangements were held to
be highly unsatisfactory, and it was shown that certain
rooms did not receive an adequate amount of air and light.
Besides, it was a veritable firetrap.™

Negotiations were resumed in 1896 for the acquisition
of neighboring property, in order to provide more light and
.air for the Normal College and also to provide greater
protection against possible spread of fire from neighboring
buildings. It was found that $121,000 would be necessary
to purchase the surrounding property—far less than a city
block, incidentally—, so the project of acquiring this
amount of land was dropped, in view of the attitude of the
ways and means committee. It was then agreed that Charles
R. Skinner, who had succeeded Dr. Draper as superinten-
dent of public instruction and chairman of the board, and
Dr. Milne should try to get only enough appropriation to
purchase 98 Willett St., and to make necessary changes in
the college building to secure safe exit in case of fire.

{ 141 }


The committee concluded the school year of 1895-96 by
increasing the salaries of. several professors by amounts
from $100 to $300 each, by authorizing Dr. Milne “‘to
engage, in his discretion, men eminent in the science of
pedagogy to lecture from time to time at the College, on
condition that no entertainments should be given” and by
warmly remarking upon “the great satisfaction with which
the Committee has watched the success of Dr. Milne’s
administration’’.** The committee must, indeed, have been
satisfied with the Milne administration, for it did not meet
from June 15, 1896 to June 8, 1897.

On the latter date, it was reported that $20,000 was avail-
able “for the purpose of making alterations and repairs to
the building”. With this sum, the Committee purchased 98
Willett St., and also had the wooden stairs in the College
building replaced by iron and stone steps. Mr. Pruyn and
Dr. Milne were named a building committee, to oversee
the details of the work and “to make any unimportant
changes that may be necessary”. Eventually, the newly
acquired house was fitted up for classroom use.”

Despite the repairs just made to the main building, many
things yet needed to be done in the next few years. The
heating facilities in the primary department had been found
to be “utterly inadequate”, fire-escapes were thought neces-
sary, and other repairs needed to be made. Dr. Draper,
who was now the first commissioner of education and chair-
man of the college trustees, announced that the Normal
College’s share in a legislative appropriation for repairs in
all the state teacher education institutions was $25,000.
With $5,200 of this money, the committee contemplated
purchasing another neighboring property at 455 Madison
Avenue, but failed to complete the purchase because the
state comptroller had ruled that the appropriation was for
“improvements and betterments” and was not available for
the purchase of real estate."*

[ 142]


Apparently not realizing that any amount of repairs and
any reasonable purchase of adjoining property would still
leave the college with an inadequate plant, the committee
entered into negotiations for the purchase of several lots
at an estimated valuation of $50,000.°°

The college building caught fire on the evening of Janu-
ary 8, 1906, at about 8:15 o’clock. The fire was discovered
by Charles Wurthman, the janitor, and his son. Starting
in the model school rooms, the blaze spread rapidly over -
| freshly oiled floors to the other rooms. A loud explosion
| was heard when it reached the chemistry laboratory.

Wurthman summoned the fire department, but it required
twenty minutes for it to arrive, due to the intense cold of
ten degrees below zero, and to the condition of the streets
which were a glare of ice. The cause of the fire was never
determined.”

With the exception of Dr. Milne’s residence, the Normal
College was ‘‘practically a total loss”. Had the fire occurred
when classes were in session, there might have been a
tragedy. Dr. Draper, who later recalled that he witnessed
the fire from the front porch of his residence on South Lake
Avenue, called a meeting of the executive committee the
next week to consider ‘the importance of this crisis in the
history of the institution”.

To the aid of the College came several institutions with
offers of temporary facilities for taking care of the classes.
Trinity Methodist Episcopal Church offered the use of its
Sunday school rooms, and refused any remuneration except
for expenses actually incurred; the trustees of the Albany
Female Academy offered use of their rooms; offers also
came from the Albany Academy, the Convent of the Holy
Names, the Board of Education, the First Presbyterian
Church, the State Street Church, and Richard L. Doyle’s
dancing academy.

{ 143 }


The offers of Trinity Methodist Church and the Female
Academy were at first accepted, and the others were
declined with the thanks of the committee.” Classes were
held at the Presbyterian Church, however.

Dr. Milne was authorized to rent a house at the commit-
tee’s expense. William B. Aspinwall, a member of the
faculty, was “invested with the title and function of Assist-
ant to the President pending the reorganization of the
College, without additional compensation”. His salary
was soon raised, however.

The question of purchasing additional property between
the College site and Madison Avenue was again discussed,
but before any such deal could be consummated, the trustees
of the Albany Orphan Asylum had come forward with an
offer to sell their property between Western and Washing-
ton Avenues at Robin Street. The orphanage proposed to
move “‘onto a farm out in the country, where . . . the sur-
roundings would be more favorable for their boys”.™

This offer appealed very much to the College board, but
it seemed undesirable to own two sites; the board therefore
offered to exchange properties and pay the difference in
value. The orphanage site was said to be worth $200,000,
and the College site, $85,850. Since the College would
have to spend at least $50,000 more to enlarge its Willett
Street lot, the trustees looked forward to negotiating the
exchange of property. Accordingly, a committee was sent
to confer with the orphanage officials. Finally, an agree-
ment was reached whereby the properties were exchanged,
ind the College paid $75,000 to the orphanage. A special
aw was passed authorizing the agreement.“ Dr. Draper
-epresented the College in the conveyance.

It was agreed that the orphanage should remain in posses-
sion of its former property as long as that could be done
without hindering the state’s building operations; that the
Normal College should continue to use such portions of

{ 144]


the Willett Street property as it was still using for school
purposes, including the janitor’s quarters; that the college
would withdraw from Willett Street at the same time that
the orphanage gave up its former property; and the College
might at once have occupancy of “‘a four room detached
frame school building on the Orphan Asylum grounds.” *

Dr. Draper carried to the legislature a request for an
appropriation for building upon the new site. The same
act which authorized the exchange of property also appro-
priated $350,000 for buildings on the new campus.”

Plans were submitted by the state architect on March 26,
1906, but they did not meet with the committee’s approval.
A building committee of Commissioner Draper, Charles
Lansing Pruyn and William Bayard Van Rensselaer, was
named to confer with the architect. Upon Mr. Pruyn’s
death, he was succeeded by Thomas E. Finegan, an alumnus
of the college, who later became commissioner of education
in Pennsylvania. The committee was not satisfied with the
“treatment of the exterior of the middle part” of the pro-
posed large building, and then went on to say:

they think there ought to be some treatment of the entrance, strong
and impressive, such as to make it a feature of the scheme; that the
removal of the audience room from the center to the east of the large
building is a matter for serious consideration; and that lastly they
think worthy of consideration the reducing of the connections between
the buildings to one story so as to somewhat give the effect’of separate
buildings, and lessen the cost of construction.

At this juncture, Albert Randolph Ross, a young architect
in New York City, called upon Dr. Draper “with photo-
gtaphs of several beautiful and striking buildings he had
designed.” When the state architect failed to produce a
design suitable to the executive committee, Dr. Draper
wrote Mr. Ross that the College “could guarantee him no
definite employment or compensation but appealed to his
_ professional spirit to come to see if he could help.” ®

{ 145 }


The exterior plans submitted by Mr. Ross met with
hearty approval, and the committee asked the state archi-
tect ‘to accept the plans, and to associate Mr. Ross with
himself in carrying it out”. The state architect held that
under the existing law, it was his opinion that he could not
enter into any such arrangement. He contended he could
not authorize the employment of a private architect without
affirmative action by the legislature. He also declared that
the Ross plans would result in a building more expensive
than the $350,000 appropriated. G. L. Heins, the state
architect, wrote to the committee: ”

I cannot acquiesce in any method of procedure which would be
likely to result in the overrunning of appropriations. There is a sec-
tion of the Finance law which makes this a misdemeanor on the part
of any State officer. Without going into the merits of the design, I
can state positively that in order to meet the minimum requirements
as determined by the Commissioner of Education, we can spend only
about 18 cents per cubic foot for the building. The exterior porticoes,
etc. of Mr. Ross’ design would have to be paid for either by an addi-
tional appropriation, or by a reduction in the cubic contents of the
building, that is the accommodations would have to be reduced. If
the latter course should be followed, it would probably not be very
long before the Legislature would be asked to make an appropriation
for adding to the building which, in the long run, would amount to
the same thing as an additional appropriation now.

It is greatly to be regretted that the statutes under which we are
working make a deadlock apparently possible. The real question at
issue is whether the final responsibility and authority in matters of
architectural design rest with the Commissioner of Education and the
Executive Committee, or with the State Architect. This question has
never before come up during my term of office, and I think it would
be of advantage if it could be settled by direct legislative enactment.

Through legislative action and with the agreement of the
ways and means committee, it was finally provided that
Mr. Heins should associate Mr. Ross with himself, that
the Ross designs be used for the exterior, and that Mr.

eins should be responsible for the interior planning. In

of any disagreement, a sub-committee of the ways and
ans committee should arbitrate.”

It was agreed that Mr. Ross should have $8500 as a fee.
It is sometimes said that he never received any compensa-

{ 146 }


tion for his services, but there seems no foundation for
such a tale, since payment for his services was specifically
authorized.”

The final outcome of the long struggle was a series of
three beautiful buildings “based upon the classical orders,
treated with the freedom of the Georgian period as adapted
in America”. The group conveys the impression that Mr.
Ross had come under the influence of Jefferson as an archi-

tect, and reflects the architectural style of Monticello and :

the original buildings of the University of Virginia.
The central or administration building, now known as
Draper Hall, was flanked on the left by a science building,
now known as Husted Hall, and on the right by an audi-
torium, now used as the Hawley Library. All three build-

ings were of red-brown tapestry brick, trimmed with 3

Indiana limestone. Both the science building and the
auditorium were connected to the administration building
with one story open peristyles.

There is no doubt that New York now had one of the
most beautiful teachers college plants in the country. Ina
decade when architectural taste was all too frequently
gauche, the College obtained buildings which time has
served only to mellow.

Particular care was taken to preserve the fine old elms
on the property.“ These have lent grace, beauty and dig-
nity to the campus for many years. If spared from the
ravages of the elm tree disease now so prevalent in some
parts of the United States, they should stand for decades
to come. The ivy planted by the graduating classes has
grown well—except in those cases where the planter
neglected to remove the small vine from the nurseryman’s
pot before placing it in the ground, as sometimes hap-
pened! The total effect of the campus is beautiful dignity.
While one might wish for a larger campus, removed from
the mediocre and ordinary dwellings on the Washington

{ 147 }

ST SE ——— ee Se ree pepe
MSR AO i BP sR URE, See memes. eS Se ene


Avenue approach to the college, still one must recall what
_ an ordinary group of buildings would be on the campus
today, except for the architecture of Mr. Ross and the
initiative of Dr. Draper. No wonder that his biographer
could say that “Dr. Draper was as happy as a school boy
about the architectural beauty and fitness of the buildings’’.”*
These and the classic State Education Building will long
stand as tributes to his improved architectural taste over
that of the period when the Willett Street building was
erected.”

The new buildings were dedicated, October 28, 1909.
The addresses were given by Charles Evans Hughes, then
governor of New York and later chief justice of the United
States Supreme Court, by Dr. Andrew Sloan Draper, the
commissioner of education, and by St. Clair McKelway, the
vice-chancellor of the Regents of the University of the State
of New York. Dr. Milne presided at the ceremonies.”
Governor Hughes sketched briefly the establishment of
teacher education institutions in America, and referred
with pride to New York’s part in their development. He
declared the college should illustrate “the best pedagogical
methods, the best courses for the preparation of teachers,
the last word with regard to the psychology of the child”,
and “the truest sort of patriotism flaming forth in teach-
ce.

Dr. Draper, in the principal dedicatory address, which
was described as “most brilliant” and “most scholarly’,
pointed out that this institution was unique in being a
“pedagogical college”. He said, in part:

This is to be a pedagogical college. It is to give a liberal training
to men and women who will be teachers. It is not intended that it
shall grow into a state university. Nothing but a pedagogical col-
lege is in mind and nothing short of that can be accepted. It is not
only to teach; it is to study. It is not only to train; it is to investigate

and try to add to the sum of pedagogical knowledge and experience.
It is to dig deep, and, if possible, more deeply than others have yet

{ 148 }


done, into the sciences which relate to life, into the philosophies which
bear upon the thinking of mankind, and into the most efficient ways
for teaching these things. To the uses of the higher learning and the
betterment of the higher teaching; to the upbuilding of a great col-
lege of pedagogy, and to the service of a noble state, we set apart
these grounds and these buildings, and to all that, and more, we dedi-
cate the life within for a thousand years.

A rather sophomoric editorial in an Albany newspaper

the next day pointed out that ‘‘Albanians should take pride ~

in the new Normal College. . . . It is a state institution,
of course, but Albanians get the benefit of it”. It went on
to praise Albany as an educational center of ‘exceptional
advantages” and to point out that Union College might
well move from Schenectady to Albany, since Albany
possessed “‘an atmosphere of refinement and culture” that
was so “highly to be désired in an educational town”.
Schenectady was said to be merely ‘‘a commercial and
manufacturing center”. A college in such a “rushing,
bustling place” was in “strange and incongruous surround-
ings”. The editor then returned to the Normal College,
praising its “handsome edifice” which was “magnificently
located”. The ‘‘ample grounds” were said to “ensure the
students plenty of good air and room in which to stretch
their muscles after class hours”. The editorial concluded
with a brief note on the “most enviable reputation” Dr.
Milne had made for the school, and declared that ‘‘with
the increased facilities afforded now, he will no doubt
bring the institution up to a still higher plane”.*

From the time of the fire in 1906 to the fall of 1909,
college classes continued to meet in a portion of the old
Normal College, in the Trinity Church, and in the First
Presbyterian Church, both nearby. From December, 1907,
the college paid the orphanage $2500 annual rental for
the use of the old building on Willett Street. A claim of
Trinity Church for $3443.40 to put its building “back into
as good condition as it was when our occupancy had com-

{ 149 ]

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menced” was paid early in 1910. In addition, the College
replaced a carpet in “the Presbyterian Church”, worn out
_ by the students. Light, heat and janitor service were also
paid for.™

Soon after the Normal College burned, and before the
exchange of property with the orphanage, two of the faculty
members approached Dr. Milne with the proposal that the
college be located out New Scotland Avenue near the city
limits, where a much larger plot of land could be obtained
at a more reasonable price. Such a lot would have per-
mitted the development of a beautiful and spacious campus
and would have provided room for future building needs.
Dr. Milne did consent to drive out to see the proposed loca-
tion, which was the place eventually chosen for the new
orphanage, at New Scotland Avenue and Academy Road.
A fastidious man, he obtained a highly unfavorable impres-
sion of the site. At that time, New Scotland Avenue was a
dirt road which became very muddy after a rain. Not
envisioning the ultimate expansion of the city in a south-
westerly direction, Dr. Milne held that it would be most
undesirable to locate the college so far “out in the country”.

When one of the young men persisted in pointing out
the desirability of the proposed site, Dr. Milne told him,
that he was not interested in such a location for the college.*
It is agreed that Dr. Milne was “a great administrator and
a wonderful teacher”, but he had an “unusual power of
marshalling arguments and an effective way of meeting and
brushing aside objections to them”.*

It would be unfair to Mr. Milne’s memory, however, to
adopt too severe an attitude in evaluating his rejection of
the New Scotland Avenue site. As previously mentioned.
it was then far removed from the downtown and residential]
areas. The mud, the remote location and the questionable
surroundings of a neighboring race-track were too much for
a man of his fastidious taste.

{ 150 }

ri .

The New Scotland Avenue site was not served by electric
cars or by any other means of transportation for students.
The college was still a small institution of only a few hun-
dred students. The phenomenal growth of the college and
the development of modern means of transportation within
the next few decades were not to be anticipated in 1906.
The need for high school teachers at that time was stili
limited, and the automobile, which accounted for much of
the expansion of American cities was still something of a
joke.

From the vantage point of the present time, it can be said
that it was an unfortunate day for the college when Dr.
Milne peremptorily “brushed aside” this argument of the
young men with their eyes to the future. How fine a center
could have been developed on the “‘country” location—a
campus of many acres, with room for all the buildings
needed for years to come, an athletic field and residence
halls for men and women students. Near the eventual loca-
tion of the Albany Hospital, Albany Medical College,
Albany Law School, Albany College of Pharmacy, Christian
Brothers Academy, and Albany Academy, the College could
have profited from contact with these neighbors, and per-
haps certain facilities could have been shared with them,
as in the case of the cooperation between Peabody College
for Teachers and Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Ten-
nessee.

Alumni who have recounted events of the years 1906 to
1910 to the writers always dwelt upon the fire and the con-
struction of the new buildings. These were, without doubt,
the most immediately spectacular events of the Milne
regime. More important, however, in a permament sense,
was the thorough revision of the curriculum in 1906.

In the board meeting, one week after the fire, Dr. Draper
spoke at some length “about the importance of this crisis
in the history of the institution”. He said that it had come

{ 151}


to his attention that some persons felt the work in teacher
education at Albany should be abandoned. He went on to
point out that “there had been a general feeling among
those interested in education that the Opportunities for
training teachers of the higher class . . . were insufficient
in this State’. In his judgment, the time was now ripe to
reorient the State Normal College at Albany, to increase
its usefulness to educational advancement in the state.
Recently, the Regents of the University of the State of New
York had granted authority to the College “to improve its
grade of teaching and grant certain diplomas”. It was
Dr. Draper’s recommendation that Dr. Edward J. Goodwin
of the State Education Department and Dr. Milne should
be asked to formulate a plan of instruction more in keeping
with the needs of the state. Then a building suitable for
such an institution could be built.*

It should be remembered that in 1890, as state superin-
tendent of public instruction and ex officio chairman of the
executive committee of the Normal School, Dr. Draper had
been instrumental in changing the school into the Normal
College. It was doubtless largely through his leadership
that the executive committee had consented to the extensive
revision in the purpose of the institution in that year.

_ Now, Dr. Draper saw clearly that the Normal College
was not attaining the desired results that had been antici-
pated in 1890. While certain changes had been made from
year to year by Dr. Milne, especially when he was able to
engage new staff members, the college had not yet been
brought into a position where it could serve adequately
the needs of the state in secondary education. The records
seem to indicate that it was Dr. Draper who was largely
responsible for the fundamental changes enacted in 1906.
Since he and Dr. Milne worked closely together on many
educational projects, it is doubtless true that the responsi-
bility was shared by both men. It is unfortunate that much

{ 152}


of the ephemeral material is no longer available, so no
exact evaluation of the contributions of each can be made.

In this period of 16 years since 1890, it had become
apparent that the high schools of the state were not eager
to take the Normal College graduates who had no more
academic training than they had gained in high school.
There were still no subject matter courses given, except
in the professional subjects of psychology, history of edu-
cation and philosophy of education. “The high schools
strongly preferred the product of the liberal arts colleges
without any professional training, to the Normal College
graduate without the liberal arts and sciences”’.** But in
spite of this fact, the college had made no great effort to
revise its curriculum in the light of apparent conditions.
Failure to attract any large number of college graduates
to take the special graduate work in pedagogy made neces-
sary a thorough revision of the plan of the college, if it
were to serve the best educational interest of the state. In
1902, there were only 27 graduates who completed the
“collegiate course”’.*°

At the time it was reorganized in 1890, it was hoped that
the Normal College would attract to its professional courses
a large number of college and university graduates who
would there spend at least a year in preparation for secon-
dary school teaching and for administrative offices in the
public school system.” At one time the number of such
persons attending gave some promise of the possibility of
making the institution into a graduate school with gradu-
ation from college prescribed as an entrance condition, but
about this time some of the hostility of the universities and
colleges toward work in education was superseded by an
attempt to obtain a monopoly of the high school teaching
field.** Such a goal necessitated the offering of work in
pedagogy, both on the graduate and undergraduate levels
in those colleges.** Since many colleges were then offering

{ 153 }


ere

= a es

brief courses in pedagogy to their seniors with substantial
guarantees of licenses to teach, these students naturally
failed to take the extra year at the State Normal College.”

Still, the Normal College achieved a fair amount of
success in its attempt to accomplish the work of a purely
Professional college. During its years in this work, 288
college graduates, fepresenting fifty different institutions
in the United States and abroad, were enrolled. In addi-
tion, the college gtaduated “many hundreds with less
scholarship but fuller professional training who are em-
ployed in the secondary schools in positions of responsibility
and importance”. Such P€tsons as those in the latter classi-
fication often found it necessary to make up their deficien-
cies in scholarship by means of academic courses at other
colleges.”

It became more and more evident that New York, as well
as other states, needed a superior teacher training institution
which would ive prospective teachers in the secondary
field a thorough grounding in both liberal arts and peda-
S08y. It was not thought practicable for a teacher to get
his academic training in one institution and his pedagogy
in another. If normal schools were to prepare high school
teachers they were expected to provide strong academic
courses. It was seen that the same institution must provide
both professional and academic training, for otherwise the
Prospective teacher would enter the profession without the
one or the other. The belief was becoming more widely

- voiced that whatever the teacher needed, the norma] school

or normal college should provide.** Normal institutions,
it was held, could do an excellent. work in training secon-
dary teachers, if they were permitted to expand their facili-
les so as to offer advanced academic courses as well as
tofessional work.*
Because of his earlier familiarity with the Normal Col-
lege experiment and his subsequent experience as president

[ 154 }


of a great state university, the University of Illinois, Dr.
Draper was especially qualified to chart a new course to be
followed as a state policy in the training of teachers for
secondary schools. Upon his renewal of official relations
with the Normal College, Dr. Draper requested Dr. Edward
J. Goodwin, an assistant commissioner, to investigate the
institution and to make a report. Dr. Goodwin concluded
that the college could best serve the state by being sub-
jected to a complete reorganization which would enable
it to supply well-trained teachers for schools of secondary
and higher levels. He recommended: **

1. That all courses of study designed to prepare teachers for the
elementary schools be discontinued.

2. That the requirements for admission to the college be substantially
the same as those laid down by other eastern colleges of good
standing.

3. That the college be authorized to establish a four year course of
studies in the liberal arts and pedagogies.

4. That all students be required to pursue such subjects of study as
were deemed essential to a liberal education.

5. That such professional courses as were considered to be funda-
mental in the training of teachers be required of each student.

6. That all other courses in the curriculum, both academic and pro-
fessional, be elective.

J. That in addition to the professional course prescribed for all
students, the college should provide other professional courses
designed specifically to prepare students to become teachers in
secondary schools, training classes, training schools and normal
schools, and instructors in art, manual training, domestic science
and other special subjects.

8. That the college be empowered to confer the following degrees:
B.A., B.S., Pd.B., the first two to be given on the satisfactory
completion of a four year course, the third to be conferred upon
college graduates after a year of post-graduate study.

9. That the appropriations for the support of the college be enlarged
so that the faculty might be reorganized and strengthened.

That these recommendations were in keeping with the
better educational thought of the profession is demon-
strated by the following quotation from an address by
President Homer H. Seerley of the Iowa State Teachers

.1455.}


College, given before the National Education Association

in 1915: ®

With the advent of the village and country high schools, which
new institutions promise to Surpass in numbers even the city high
schools themselves; with the increasing demand for a more practical
and more complete secondary education for the vast majority of boys
and girls; with the development of normal training in high schools
in many of the states; with the expansion of educational opportuni-
ties for the masses demanding multitudes of supervisors, principals
and superintendents; it becomes the duty of the state normal schools
to be active factors in helping the people to realize their rights and
obligations . . . when this conception of duty has been accepted and
the fruits of the endeavor have been fully realized, then the education
and the training of high-school teachers will have reached a proper
standard.

_ It was thought that the Normal College at Albany could
not compete successfully with the teat universities in grad-
uate work, because its library and laboratory resources
would be too inadequate. Besides, the state needed thor-
oughly prepared teachers for the secondary schools more
than it needed advanced scholars. It became evident that
the greatest setvice the college could render at that time
lay in the undergraduate field of education rather than in
graduate work. —

Ds Draper accepted Dr. Goodwin’s recommendations,
made them his own, and prevailed upon the Regents to pass
them verbatim.” The factors which led to their adoption
wete the need for high school teachers with both sound
scholarship and mastery of the art of teaching, the need for
the higher education of instructors of teachers’ training
classes operated in the high schools, and the newer need for
teachers of such subjects as manual training, domestic sci-
ence, art and commerce. A recent investigation had showed
that in the public secondary schools outside the cities, only
39% of the teachers and 45% of the principals were college
graduates, and that many of the training class instructors
were only high school graduates.”

In 1908 the first four-year class under the new program
was graduated, consisting of ten bachelors of arts and one

{ 156 }


bachelor of science. At the same time, the last two-year
class was graduated. Rid at last of this final incubus of its
normal school days, the institution in all its departments
reached full collegiate stature.** From that time to this, the
college has interpreted its duty as the complete, all-round
education of prospective secondary school teachers in both
“liberal arts and pedagogics”, the presumption being “that
a high school teacher must have adequate scholarship in
one ort two subjects chosen from the field of secondary
education and that he must have a general culture, covering
science, literature, history, philosophy and art’’.®

More than 160 students were enrolled in the four-year
course in 1907-1908, many of them being former gradu-
ates who came back to prepare more thoroughly for higher
positions, or to make up their deficiencies in the liberal arts
subjects that were not offered when they were students.
Several graduates of other colleges continued to attend for
graduate work in education, and graduates of other state
teacher training institutions were accepted.”

Scholarship alone was not regarded as sufficient indica-
tion of ability to teach, for each person was required to
demonstrate actual teaching ability before he was gradu-

ated. The aim of the college was to develop a “reasonable

degree” of scholarship and teaching ability. In the first
few years under the new plan, the college was greatly
handicapped by inadequate equipment and make-shift class-
room accommodations,’” but soon the three fine new build-
ings were made available.

The combination of the professional and academic work
into a unified course appears to have put the entire work
of the student into a professional atmosphere. The stu-
dents were constantly impressed with the idea that they were
not seeking knowledge for its own sake alone but that they
might later utilize it as teachers. Such a concept was

C1573


thought to provide an “enlarged and more comprehensive
view of each subject’’.*”

Although the college was now of collegiate rank, the
name “normal”’ in its official title caused certain embarrass-
ments because of the inevitable association with normal
schools. The fact that it was “a real college, preparing
teachers for secondary schools’, had not yet been fully
apprehended. The lists of the United States Commissioner
of Education did not classify it as a college. Since the
association of the word “normal” with the previous history
of the institution, though honorable enough, did constitute
an embarrassment, the commissioner of education suggested
that the name be changed to some title more in keeping
with the character of the work done.’

At a meeting of the Board of Regents in 1914, it was voted
that the New York State Normal College “may be further
designated as the ‘New York State College for Teach-
ers." This is the present name of the college. At the
same time, the examinations given to students were regarded
and approved as examinations for and by the University of
the State of New York, and degrees awarded in accordance
with such examinations were recognized and confirmed as
duly earned degrees of the University. Authority to grant
baccalaureate and masters’ degrees in course was continued.

While the institution has undergone certain valuable
changes since 1914, including the development of the cur-
ticular offering in several subjects, the development of an
important series of graduate courses, a wider offering of
professional work, and the attainment of higher standards
of scholarship and professional standing, it may be said
that the rulings of 1905 and of 1914 set the pattern for the
ensuing years up to the present. The college aims “to give
the basis of scholarship and special method now deemed
necessary for secondary school teachers for the junior and
senior high schools’. Courses were so arranged as to pro-

71584


vide the students a broad basis of scholarship in informative
and cultural studies before they engaged upon specializa-

tion.*®°

__ Just as was the case in 1890, the revision of the curriculum
in 1906 necessitated certain changes in the faculty. “The
matter of establishing departments and making appoint-
ments to fill them for the ensuing year’ was discussed in

April, 1909.2"

The faculty was then organized into the following depart-

ments: *°”

President
Ancient Languages
Modern Languages

English

Pedagogy, Psychology and
Philosophy

Mathematics

Commercial Branches
History

Government and Economics
Natural Science

Manual and Industrial Arts
Domestic Economy

Fine Arts and Design
Physical Training

Music

Librarian

High School Department

Dr. William J. Milne

Professor L. W. Richardson

Professor W.C. Decker

Assistant Professor Louise McCutcheon
A professor to be named

Assistant Professor Margaret Mooney

Professor W. B. Aspinwall

Assistant Professor to be named

Miss Anna E. Pierce, assistant
Professor A. M. Husted

Assistant Professor Harry Birchenough
Professor Wm. V. Jones

Professor to be named

Assistant Professor David Hutchison
Mary A. McClelland

Assistant Professor Adam A. Walker
Professor W. W. Wetmore

Assistant Professor C. A. Woodard
Assistant Professor B. S. Bronson
Eunice A. Perine, assistant

A professor to be named

A professor, at ‘‘salary to be determined”
Miss Eunice A. Perine
Miss Armbruster, director
A director to be named
Miss Mary A. McClelland
Principal John M. Sayles
M. Harriette Bishop
Anna E. Pierce

Caroline Ruth Horne
Louise Ward Clement
Ruth A. Cook

Charlotte Loeb

Anne L. Cushing

{ 159 }


The vacancies indicated above were filled by the appoint-
ment of Richmond H. Kirtland as professor of English;
Adna W. Risley as “professor in English History’; and
George S. Painter as assistant professor in psychology and
philosophy. Upon Aspinwall’s resignation, Leonard A.
Blue succeeded him. John A. Mahar succeeded Miss Mc-
Cutcheon as assistant in French. Ellen A. Huntington was
appointed “head of the department of Household econ-
omy’, with Eva Wilson as “teacher of domestic science”.
Dr. Clarence Hale succeeded Dr. Wetmore. Several other
changes in the faculty were also made during this transition
period.***

The period from 1910 through the remainder of Dr.
Milne’s presidency witnessed the gradual increase in the
salaries of these faculty members. In 1910 Dr. Milne wrote
to Dr. Draper as president of the board of trustees that
there were “‘several teachers and employees that should
receive larger salaries”. These faculty were ‘‘faithful and
earnest” and their work was of “such a character that they
are really entitled to additional compensation.” Professor
Kirtland’s work was said to be most acceptable. Both
Bronson and Walker were “admirable men in every sense
of the word, and are devoting themselves assiduously and
intelligently to developing themselves in their profession”.
Since certain professors had recently married, Dr: Milne
recommended that their salaries should be increased to
$1600, $1700 and $1700 respectively; another who had
“done exceedingly fine work” was recommended for an
increase to $1800 since he had ‘‘a wife and three children
to support’’.*°°

The departments of industrial arts and household econ-
omy were organized in 1910, instruction in the former
subject apparently being begun in February of that year.
H. B. Smith, a graduate of Cornell who had recently
returned from a study of European school systems, was

{ 160]


elected to “the chair of industrial training” at a salary of
$2000. Instructors in woodworking and in forge and iron
work were subsequently engaged. The department had
its quarters in the basement of the administration and sci-
ence buildings, now Draper and Husted Halls, Equipment
costing $7500 was installed.2”°

The first mention of “household science” was in June,
1910. At that time, it was decided not to purchase the
necessary equipment until “the lady who was to have charge
of it should have an opportunity to Sive her views regarding
the applicances and the arrangement of them”. Already 41
“ladies (had) enrolled for instruction in cooking, dress-
making and millinery departments”. Less than half that
number of men had chosen to take work in the industrial
arts.*™

These departments of industrial arts and home economics

_ were continued until 1920 and 1932, respectively, when

they were discontinued in the presidency of Dr. A. R. Bru-
bacher.*?

Increases in salary were granted again each year from
1910 to 1915, in amounts varying from $50 to $500 annu-
ally.**

Several of these faculty members engaged by Dr. Milne
were destined to spend practically their whole teaching
careers at Albany. Among others, the following may be
cited: Harry Birchenough (1907-19), Barnard S. Bron-
son (1908-1940), Miss Anne L. Cushing (1908-1938),
Winfred C. Decker (1907-19 ), Dr. Clarence F. Hale
(1911-1942), Dr. David Hutchison (1908-1936), Miss
Lydia A. Johnson (1912-1941), William G. Kennedy
(1911-19), Richmond H. Kirtland (1909-1933), Miss
Charlotte Loeb (1905-1934), John M. Mahar (1912-19 _),
Dr. George S. Painter (1912-1935), Miss Eunice A. Perine
(1900-1938), Dr. Leonard W. Richardson ( 1895-1929),
Dr. Adna W. Risley (1909-1939), Dr. John M. Sayles

{ 161 }

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(1905-19 ), Miss Elizabeth Shaver (1908-19 ), Jesse
FP. Stinard (1913-1941), Adam A. Walker (1908-1943),
and C. A. Woodard (1907-1933).

These “‘stalwarts”, together with members of the faculty
engaged in the early years of Dr. Brubacher’s presidency,
have personified the State College for Teachers to thousands
of students. Through their students who went out to teach
in the high schools of the state, they have exerted a wide,
if indirect, influence. That they remained at the college
for so many years speaks well of their devotion to the
college and the working conditions there.

Four years after Dr. Milne became president, the college
celebrated its fiftieth anniversary, with a ““Semi-Centennial
Jubilee” on June 26, 27 and 28, 1894. Addresses were
given and papers were read by a number of educators and
alumni of the institution. Dr. Milne gave an address of
welcome and another address; Dr. Draper, former Super-
intendent Neil Gilmour, Chancellor Anson J. Upson and
Mayor Oren E. Wilson spoke. ‘Five minute addresses”
were given by many of the alumni, including Sumner C.
Webb, 45, then a doctor of medicine. It was he who
helped organize the alumni of the Normal School in 1894.
The usual music was on the program, as were a commemo-
tative poem and a “parting hymn”, both by alumni.
“Pieces” were recited by two alumni at the president’s
reception. The jubilee closed with dinners at the Delevan,
a famous old hostelry, and at the Kenmore Hotel.

The commemorative poem, written by Amelia Daley
Alden, ’68, the widow of former President Alden, in the
rather morbid style of Lydia Sigourney, reads in part: **

See how she wears her crown of fifty years!
Upon her face appears

No trace of time, no line that grief hath wrought;
Her eyes are bright with truth—

Starlike they beam as on our happy youth;

Her brow is beautiful with lofty thought.

{ 162 }


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diane
“ta

—
ee ‘

It seems but yesterday

Since from her side we proundly went away,
Bearing the scroll she gave,

Serene in youth, in youth’s high hope secure
Of strength to struggle, patience to endure,
And power to conquer even the mighty grave.

We said a blithe good-morrow

To our companions, knowing not what sorrow
Or joy a waiting silent by the way,

To succor or to slay;

What snare was for us spread ;

What foe in ambush waited for our tread ;
What quiet path through sunshine winding fair
Led swiftly to despair;

What shining angel by the dangerous track
Lingered to turn our heedless footsteps back,
Or, panoplied in lightnings of the Lord,

Warn us from evil with his fiery sword.

A noble ministry

Was ours—to help the flower of youth unfold
Its perfect beauty, ope the mines of gold

In childhood’s heart, ‘mid dust of poverty

To seek God’s jewels hidden, trampled down,
But fit to grace a crown.

Thus by a common band

Of purpose holden, working hand to hand,
Real though unknown companions by the way,
To bind our hearts as one

A silvery thread of service have we spun,
Friends of long years and friends of yesterday.

Now we return; the subtle years have wrought
Their spell with us and taught,

By things withheld as well as things attained,
To measure what is lost by what is gained,

To find in seeming failure victory,

In death eternity.

O dear companions, teachers, pupils, friends!

With joy of meeting blends

A yearning thought of them that come no more,
For whom the noiseless door

Of life has opened. Yet be tears unshed ;

We know them living, though we call them dead.

Ye who are with us still,

Our living teachers, words are feeble things

With which to speak the gtateful thoughts that fill
Our hearts today; the springs

Of love lie deep and touch the fount of tears.

God give you many years!

{ 163 }


O Alma Mater, linking them that sleep

With them that wake, we keep

Thy honor dear, thy past and future one.

Oh, be thy future greater than thy past,

Striking unto the last

The dominant with God in unison!

The alumni published, upon the occasion of the semi-
centennial, a volume called ‘““An Historical Sketch of the
State Normal College at Albany, N. Y. and a History of Its
Graduates for Fifty Years”. ‘The “historical sketch” fills
only six pages. There then follows a list of the faculty in
1894, an outline of the courses of instruction, an article on
the memorial window, the jubilee program, the addresses
of the principal speakers, and a list of the faculty and stu-
dents from 1844 to 1895, inclusive.

The writers of the present volume have used this ‘‘his-
torical sketch” extensively. Would that it portrayed more
intimately the life of the institution in its first five decades!
Many a noble story could have been written in its pages
before those generations had passed on. How interesting
now it would be to have as source data the experiences of
Phebe C. Cazier, “address unknown”, Silas T. Bowen,
Sumner C. Webb, the Hon. William Van Olinda, and their
thirty classmates of 1845. The writers have assiduously
tried to recapture the spirit of the old Normal and to chron-
icle the influence of its early graduates upon education, not
only in New York, but throughout the country; all too
frequently, a promising lead finally ended in a blind alley.

During the whole of Dr. Milne’s regime, the Normal
College was a relatively small institution. The number of
graduates per year were**

es, aS Bee eit ae WA Oo ASD): aia ees. 2S 86
EE a Lee foe wees IDs WOO ae es os 85
a ERRORS CO CURED te 8t" EOL 2091 Sa ee Sse. 108
Sy yp Ree eee oe ee MOD A898. eo ee ass 117
SP ot, ee a eas ORS BP IBO9 Se eee, 87


1900) Feo 8 eis en ex Pee 11908 oo eee ei 134
190T et ee ee MO OOS) eee ches 13
19GRS fee van oe Be 1910 5 ey eae 53
90S ae ee a eo es RE MOE. so eee tees 69
Bint egg erg pe eens BOs PEI reo eae ea 90
1ST eee One eee tos A Pee a, SSP ae Ss 155
LQG PO sk fs ck. GS IG a ee STi as Lay
LOOPS tweet ka ces ee 121

Until the two-year course was finally discontinued in
1908, many of the graduates were persons taking such a
course. For instance, of the 108 diplomas awarded in
1897, fifty were in the two-year English course; four, mas-
ters of pedagogy; 39, bachelors of pedagogy; ten, special
course; five, kindergartners. It will readily be seen, then,
that the figures for the years 1890 to 1908 included many
persons who did not complete a standard collegiate course
of four years.

The executive committee, in 1908, acted to protect the
validity of the honorary degrees of the college by providing
that the doctorate in pedagogy should not be conferred
upon anyone not already holding the A.B. degree obtained
in regular collegiate course.’ Authority to bestow honor-
ary degrees was granted to the college trustees in 1890
“under such conditions which may seem to them proper
to prescribe.” *** The first honorary degrees of doctor of
pedagogy mentioned in the minutes were conferred in 1898,

upon Calvin Patterson, principal of the Girls’ High School

in Brooklyn; Carleton M. Ritter, principal of the Normal
School at Chico, California, and James A. Foshay, superin-
tendent of schools in Los Angeles, “all of them graduates
of this college.” **°

When the trustees instituted the policy of granting honor-
ary degrees, they opened a Pandora’s box. From time to
time thereafter, the pressure upon them and upon the Com-

{165}


missioner of Education to grant degrees became great. It
became more or less a tradition that the college should
“honor itself” in “honoring” nearly all persons without
earned doctorates who happened to be appointed to prin-
cipalships of the state normal schools and to the higher
positions in the state education department. A survey of the
honorary degrees granted from 1897 to 1938 indicates that
these, among others, received doctorates honoris causa:
Augustus M. Downing, third assistant commissioner of
education; Myron T. Dana, principal of Fredonia Normal
School; John C. Bliss, principal-elect of New Paltz Normal
School; Thomas E. Finegan, assistant commissioner of edu-
cation; Daniel Upton, principal of Buffalo Normal School;
James C. Riggs, principal of Oswego Normal School;
Alfred C. Thompson, principal of Brockport Normal
School; Amos W. Farnham of Oswego Normal School;
H. DeW. DeGroat, principal of Cortland Normal School;
Harry Rockwell, president of the State Teachers College at
Buffalo; Randolph T. Congdon, principal of Potsdam Nor-
mal School; Winfield A. Holcomb, principal of Geneseo
Normal School; Lawrence H. van den Berg, principal of
New Paltz Normal School; George M. Wiley, assistant
commissioner of education.

Three of the faculty of the college have received honor-
ary doctorates: Edward F. Wetmore, professor of natural
sciences; T. F. H. Candlyn, instructor in music; and Harlan
H. Horner, dean.

In 1918, the trustees apparently became concerned about
the practice of conferring honorary degrees, for the question
was “discussed and the president of the College was author-
ized to investigate the practice of colleges throughout the
country and make a report to the trustees at the next meet-
ing.” ** The contents of this report are not indicated, but
at the next meeting, degrees were voted to Dean Horner,
to Mr. DeGroat, to Herbert S. Weet, superintendent of

{ 166 }

eis cpanrem

schools at Rochester, and to Samuel J. Slauson, superin-
tendent at Bridgeport, Conn. Several other superintendents
throughout the state received degrees from time to time.

At one commencement, the recipient of an honorary
degree wore his academic cap, with which he was appar-
ently unfamiliar, in such a way that the front and rear
projections rested over his ears! In the 1930's, President
A. R. Brubacher related to certain faculty members the
problems and perplexities in selecting persons to whom to
award these degrees. He considered the whole matter
obnoxious and distasteful. Upon one occasion, a doctorate
was awarded, but the fact was not acknowledged on the
official commencement program, nor was the candidate
present to receive the degree. Finally, the president wel-
comed the action taken in 1937 by the Regents of the Uni-
versity of the State of New York, cancelling the authority to
award honorary degrees.”

Dr. Milne died at Bethlehem, N. H., Sept. 4, 1914, at the
age of 72. One week later, the board named Dean Leonard
Blue acting president “until such time as a permanent presi-
dent is elected and assumes the duties of his office’. At
the meeting of November 18, the board “took up for con-
sideration the election of a president’. The names of
several men were discussed “and testimonials offered in
their behalf considered”. It was finally agreed that Dr.
Abram Royer Brubacher, then superintendent of schools at
Schenectady, should receive the appointment.*”

Memorial exercises for Dr. Milne were held in the col-
lege auditorium, September 30, 1914. Addresses were
given by Dr. Blue, dean and acting president; Dr. Leonard
W. Richardson, professor of Greek and Latin; Dr. Thomas
E. Finegan, deputy commissioner of education; and by Dr.
John H. Finley, commissioner of education. Dr. Blue
quoted, as applying to Dr. Milne, the latter’s testimony upon

[ 167 }


the occasion of the memorial service for Dr. Waterbury, his
predecessor: *”*

You can not chisel in adamant a record of the services he rendered |
the world, because you cannot transcribe it from human hearts; but if
you should gather together all the hearts that have been enobled, all
the souls that have been inspired, all the lives that have been made
grander, wreathe them around with love, bedew them with the tears of |
those who wept when they heard of his death; oo that monument
to the world and let men gaze upon it, it would be a fair memorial to
the worth and services of him whose virtue we call to mind today.

The faculty of the college passed the following resolu-

tron: ***

When the old college building was destroyed by fire, Doctor
Milne’s energies were bent toward the erection of a new building
whose design and character should be worthy of its position among
the Colleges of America; and his wisdom, fine taste and zeal were
rewarded. These halls are a monument to his life and his work and
in them we still feel the impress of his mind and heart and will. . . .

After long and persistent endeavors he finally succeeded in having
a name given to the College which, in his opinion, more nearly
expressed its exact nature and characteristics; and it was a source of
great content and laudable pride to him when the name of the College
was changed and it should henceforth be known as the New York
State College for Teachers. . .

This resolution of the faculty was spread on the minutes
of the Executive Committee, with a letter from Samuel B.
Ward, who had been a trustee since 1885, to Dr. Thomas E.
Finegan. Mr. Ward was apparently of the opinion that
the faculty resolution gave Dr. Milne too much praise: *

My DEAR DR. FINEGAN:

Yesterday’s mail brought a set of resolutions, passed by the Faculty
of the College. I do not know just how you are managing about the
minutes of the meetings now; but, if you so desire, I have instructed
Deyo to enter them upon the minutes, if you will send them to him
for that purpose. His name is Clarence J. Deyo, and his address,
219 Park Ave.

More, much more, of the credit for the new building belongs to
Dr. Draper, as you well know, than to Dr. Milne; but I do not know
that we have any right to interfere with what the faculty chooses to say.

The climate here has agreed so well with me that we have fitted up
a cottage for winter occupancy and shall stay here indefinitely, perhaps
all winter. I hope that all is going well with you and all that you love.

With kindest regards,

eee

Sincerely yours,
(SAMUEL B. Warp)
{ 168 }

SS


se ce = i s % gf Oe eee,
ey ‘ “ We tia a! ~
” * a+ gh"

Papers throughout the state commented on Dr. Milne’s
extensive services to education. St. Clair McKelway, the
chancellor of the University of the State of New York,
wrote the following editorial for the Brooklyn Eagle: **°

The loss of W. J. Milne, president of the State Normal College at
Albany, has already been announced to the State. His loss is much to
be deplored, for his record was faithful and long, his learning large,
his wisdom marked and his devotion to his profession unsurpassed.
Besides this his personal qualities were of the re and rare sort which
will assure to him affectionate memory and high regard in the annals
of the State. The Board of Regents had no appointee and advisor
more cultivated or unselfish.

His whole career was devoted to education. From the humblest
rounds to the highest he progressively rose, and when the normal
establishment at Albany was raised from an academic to a collegiate
grade, his appointment to the headship of it was recognized as emi-
nently fitting throughout the commonwealth and the union. Our
Brooklyn institutions of learning well knew his abilities, cultivation
and devotion to his calling. The state created and then greatly
enlarged the splendid plant of which he was the head, and his service
to the department during the years following the destruction of the
education quarters within the capitol and the completion of the great
state educational building was so marked by heart and hospitality that
it cannot be forgotten or surpassed.

No chancellor ever had a wiser colleague. No state superintendent
and no state commissioner ever had a more devoted and far-seeing
coadjutor. The profession of teaching throughout the nation was dis.
tinctly exalted by his learning and his life. He was blessedly fortunate
in the sympathy and inspiration of a household in his likeness. To
them will be extended the condolence of educators as to him the
surety of grateful remembrance.

At the memorial exercises for Dr. Milne, Dr. Thomas
_E. Finegan, the deputy commissioner of education,
remarked: 7?"

It had not been my pleasure to meet Dr, Milne up to this time.
(When he was appointed president.) I have endeavored, however,
to portray to you this morning the kind of man whom I had created
in my imagination, based upon a study of his books as a pupil, upon
my experience as a teacher with his books as a guide, and upon the
fact that he was a man looked upon by all the teachers of the Empire
State as one to lead in educational work and to develop a great system
of public education,

It was my next pleasure to meet him and to possess an appreciation
of him. I must confess to you my great surprise when this rare oppor-
tunity came to me. As is very often the case, he was not the type of
man which I had pictured him to be. I shall remember as long as I
live the very place where we gtasped hands, where we sat for an hour

{ 169 }

‘adie


haart

and talked, and where we learned to know and love each other. He
was the exact opposite of what I had pictured him to be. He was
gentle, firm, agreeable, and helpful. He was at this time (referring
to his induction into the State College) preeminently the great edu-
cational leader of the State. He had just entered on his duties as
President of this institution, and in so doing he had undertaken the
solution of a troublesome proposition. It is not always easy to change
the character of an established institution. It is often easier to build
a new institution. The Albany Normal School was the first normal
institution in this State. . . . It possessed its own history and tradi-
tions, and it was somewhat difficult to break away from them. Dr.
Milne became greatly attached to the institution and to all those asso-
ciated with him in its work. The burning of the building on Willett
Street was a great blow to him. It came at a time when he had formu-
lated plans for a broad development of the work which the institu-
tion was intended to perform.

All his plans in this respect were held in abeyance for more than
three years. This was a serious blow to the institution and a great
grief to Dr. Milne. It was his ambition to develop a type of institution
which would be superior to any similar institution in this country.
His plans were based upon long experience, broad vision, and high
ideals. It is a regret to all those who knew what Dr. Milne’s plans
were that, after the completion of this group of beautiful Belldings:
his health was so impaired that he could not develop the institution
on the broad lines which he had contemplated. He had, however,
constructed the foundations upon which his successor would find it
possible to build the institution which he had planned.

I have already said that Dr. Milne was a man of good judgment.
He was a judge of men and women. He could usually tell, after a rea-
sonable interview with a person, whether or not that person would
make a good teacher. I have never known him to admit that he had
a poor teacher on his faculty. He was as loyal to his faculty when he
was talking to others about them and their work as he was when he
talked directly to them. He believed in his heart that he had collected
one of the best college faculties to be found in this country and it was
his desire to organize the work of the institution under the instruc-
tion of this faculty on a basis which would make the State College
for Teachers an institution of national fame. This ability to judge
people was a great asset in his work as President of this institution.

{170 ]


thn elcid Sania j
eatin
ES PE EET : iaieoeieree

a

CHAPTER V

The Brubacher Presidency:
The New York State College for Teachers, 19141939

[171]


ge EEE TIME A I


CHAPTER V

The Brubacher Presidency:
The New York State College for Teachers, 1914-1939

In its one hundred years of history, the New York State
College for Teachers has had ten presidents. They were
David Perkins Page, 1844-1848; George R. Perkins, 1848—
1852; Samuel B. Woolworth, 1852-1856; David H. Coch-
ran, 1856-1864; Oliver Arey, 1864-1867; Dr. Joseph Alden,
1867-1882; Dr. Edward P. Waterbury, 1882-1889; Dr.
William J. Milne, 1889-1914; Dr. A. R. Brubacher, 1915—
1939; and Dr. John M. Sayles, 1939-19 . There have also
been two acting presidents: Professor Albert N. Husted in
1889, and Dean Leonard “A. Blue in 1914. Of these, the
services of Dr. Milne and Dr. Brubacher spanned fifty
years.

Abram Royer Brubacher, the ninth president, was born
at Lebanon, Pennsylvania, July 27, 1870, of “Pennsylvania
Dutch” ancestry. He was gtaduated from the Phillips
Academy at Andover in 1893, and from Yale University
with the A.B. degree in 1897. He obtained his Ph.D.
degree from the same university in 1902. He taught at
Williston Seminary, Easthampton, Massachusetts, from
1897 to 1899, and was instructor in Greek -at Yale from
1900 to 1902. In 1902, he became principal of the high
school at Gloversville, New York, remaining there until
1905 when he was named principal of the high school at
Schenectady. From 1908, he was superintendent of schools
in this latter city until his appointment to the presidency
of the State College for Teachers.

The exact date of his appointment does not appear in
the minutes of the board of trustees, but the minutes of the

{ 173 ]

re
oe th ane, ; : : 4 dy

Regents indicate that the latter body approved the appoint-
ment on November 19, 1914, to take effect on February 1,
1915.

Dr. Brubacher first met with the board of trustees of the
State College on February 11, 1915. At that time Dr. John
H. Finley, the state commissioner of education and ex officio
president of the board, expressed pleasure in having him
present.*

This career in administration, so auspiciously begun, was
destined to last nearly a quarter of a century, and was to see
the college grow tremendously, both in material plant and
in intellectual stature. The groundwork had been laid
laboriously through seventy years; now the times were pro-
pitious for further advancement and more extended service
to the state as a whole.

The major accomplishments of Dr. Brubacher’s adminis-
tration included the obtaining of national recognition of
the college as a well-established institution of liberal arts,
as well as an institution for the professional preparation of
teachers; the raising of the status of the faculty; the institu-
tion of a wide offering of extra-class activities; the develop-
ment of a student association; the raising of standards for
admission; the erection of three new buildings; the erection
by the alumni of a beautiful residence hall for women
students; the inauguration of a system of sabbatical leaves
for the faculty; the development of extension teaching and
summer sessions; the organization of a junior high school
in the practice teaching unit of the college; the weathering
of the crisis contingent upon the First World War; and an
extension of the curriculum in both the liberal arts and
>rofessional subjects.

It is not claimed that Dr. Brubacher was solely responsible
or all these accomplishments. Many of them were, to a
large extent, the fruit of the labors of others: some of them
were probably the products of the times. Nonetheless, his

{ 174]


leadership and encouragement were to be found in the many
changes which came about in his presidency.

Of all the developments during his administration, Dr.
Brubacher was perhaps most proud of the fact that national
recognition came to the college as a college of liberal arts.
In a day when so-called “teachers colleges” were disparaged
by many respectable institutions as normal schools beset by
delusions of grandeur, he took keen delight in the fact that
the New York State College for Teachers was placed on
the approved list of the Association of American Universi-
ties in 1921. He proudly outlined to the trustees “some of
the benefits that would come to the institution through this
recognition.” In turn, the trustees recorded “their gratifi-
cation at the recognition” and offered “their congratula-
tions to President Brubacher and the faculty of the College
on their success in maintaining such high standards as to
obtain the approval of the Association,” ?

A second recognition, contingent upon the first, but not
automatically resulting therefrom, came to the College in
1931, when the College was approved by the American
Association of University Women, at the fiftieth anniversary
meeting of that association. The college was the first state
teachers college to be approved by the A. A. U. W., but

as a matter of fact, it was not accredited as a teachers college but was
approved for A. A. U. W. membership as a liberal arts college
approved by the Association of American Universities. - . . When
New York State College for Teachers was approved for membership,
the Association was not considering teachers colleges, as such, for

A. A. U. W. approval.$

It is sometimes said that State College was the first teach-
ers college admitted to approval by the A. A. U. W. This
is not correct. Teachers College of Columbia University
was approved in 1917, and the George Peabody College for
Teachers, in 1925. State College was, however, the first
State institution for the education of teachers to be placed
on the approved list but, as has been shown, not as a teach-

{ 175]

4
M
ty

ers college. Not until 1933 did the A. A. U. W. approve
teachers colleges as such. In that year, four teachers col-
leges were approved, in Indiana, Kansas, Michigan, and
Colorado. In 1939, there were only ten on the list, in addi-
tion to Columbia, Peabody and State.‘

A rather remarkable transformation of the teaching staff
of the college took place during Dr. Brubacher’s presidency.
When he took office as president, the staff consisted of 43
persons, of whom only five possessed the doctorate; in his
last year as president, there were 103 faculty members, of
whom 36 possessed the earned doctorate. This whole staff
was of Dr. Brubacher’s own choosing, except for eleven
petsons who had been appointed in the latter years of Dr.
Milne’s presidency. These eleven faculty members were
John M. Sayles, Harry Birchenough, Winfred C. Decker,
Barnard S. Bronson, Adam A. Walker, Elizabeth Shaver,
Clarence Hale, William G. Kennedy, Lydia A. Johnson,
John Mahar and Jesse F. Stinard. The other 92 teachers
had all been appointed since 191 5, the year Dr. Brubacher
took over the administration of the college.

One might say that Dr. Brubacher found the college with
a normal school faculty in 1915, and in 1939 left it with a
Stroup of teachers which any college would feel pride in
claiming. One alumnus, in speaking of the staff in the early
1900’s, referred to them as “lovely old ladies”, but “scarcely
college caliber.”

Dr. Brubacher worked incessantly to raise the quality of
the faculty personnel, as well as the quality of the institution
as a whole. He subscribed wholeheartedly to Victor Cous-
in’s oft-quoted dictum that “As is the teacher, so is the
school.” While he did not, by any means, engage in the
fetish of Ph.D. worship, still he held that the possession
of this mark of academic training, other things being equal,
was desirable in the faculty members of the State College.
During his regime, many faculty members were encouraged

[1761


D

(G

to take leaves of absence to pursue their graduate studies
at the leading universities.

The president was greatly aided in his program of raising
the professional status of the staff by several fortuitous
circumstances; first, the increased demand for high school
teachers, which made possible the expansion of the faculty
as well as of the college plant; the greatly increased number
of candidates with the Ph.D. degree who were available for
appointment to the staff of the college; and, third, the in-
creased salary schedules which were adopted by the legis-
lature from time to time. Without these three factors
operating to his advantage, he would, of course, have
achieved far less than he did in the transformation of the
faculty personnel. Dr. Brubachet’s role in fighting for
salary increases played a part in obtaining more satisfactory
compensation for the teaching staff.

The gradual retirement of the older professors who had
been appointed in earlier years was a fourth factor. In
speaking of the retirement of the older professors as a con-
tributing factor in the raising of the quality of the institu-
tion, the writers do not mean to have their words imply
any invidious distinction between the faculty of the past
decades and the faculty of the present. According to the
testimony of the alumni who sat in their classes, the faculty
in the Milne regime were effective teachers. Nonetheless,
it is true that the majority of the teachers in that day were
essentially normal school instructors, not college teachers.
Though they may have taught well, they were, with a few
possible exceptions, incapable of giving courses of the hi
caliber demanded by a degree-granting college. The me
fact that many of them were not even college graduate
or were only graduates of courses leading to the baccalaure-
ate degrees, was sufficient to call into question the appropri-
ateness of their teaching courses on the college level. From

Rise]


the point of view of the various accrediting associations,
such a practice would not be approved.

In the latter years of his presidency, Dr. Milne had
brought to the faculty certain professors with more advanced
preparation. Nonetheless, it remained for Dr. Brubacher
to raise the staff to true collegiate stature. Needless to say,
it took him several years to do this. Even in his last years
as president, he all too often had to content himself with
teachers whose advanced academic preparation was not all
that he desired. In most part, this was due to the fact that
the salary schedule, prescribed by law, did not provide
sufficient inducement for the employment of other than
relatively inexperienced persons in the lower-paid brackets.
Then, too, it was impossible in many cases to provide suffi-
ciently rapid promotion for the younger members of the
staff who were willing to accept instructorships and assist-
ant instructorships for a few years while they gained experi-
ence and advanced degrees, but were reluctant to remain
permanently in these lower positions after these goals had
been achieved. Consequently, several of these instructors,
who would have been glad to continue in the college indefi-
nitely, if there were sufficient financial inducement, were
lost to other institutions. This is, of course, a rather uni-
versal phenomenon in the field of higher education.

In many cases, Dr. Brubacher made admirable selections
among candidates for the teaching staff. He was fortunate
in obtaining the services of devoted men and women, able
teachers, who have served the college for long periods of
time. It would be quite impossible here to mention each
of these. Among their number were Dr. Arthur K. Beik
(1916), professor of education; Dr. Caroline Croasdale
(1919-1943), professor of hygiene and college physician;
Dr. Harry W. Hastings (1914), professor of English; Dr.
Elizabeth H. Morris (1923), professor of education; Dr.
Carleton E. Power (1915), professor of science; George

‘178 }

M. York (1916), professor of commerce; Miss Mary E.
Cobb (1916) librarian; Dr. Gertrude E. Douglas (1919),
and Dr. Minnie B. Scotland (1918), assistant professors
of biology; Miss Agnes E. Futterer (1917), assistant pro-
fessor of English; Clarence A. Hidley (1915), assistant
professor of history; Dr. M. G. Nelson (1926), professor of
education and later dean of the college; the late Dr. Earl
B. South (1927-1941), assistant professor of education;
Dr. Edith O. Wallace (1918), assistant professor of Latin
and Greek; and Miss Katherine E. Wheeling (1925), super-
visor of practice teaching in English.

Motivated by the desire to place the college on a par with
other American colleges in its faculty relationships, and
to make it possible for the faculty members to carry on
additional research or graduate study, Dr. Brubacher early
turned his attention to the desirability of inaugurating a
system of sabbatical leaves. In 1922, he first recommended
the adoption of such a system for professors and assistant
professors, according to a plan whereby the president would
be allowed to nominate to the trustees professors for a
year's or a half year’s leave on part salary, for study or
research. It was recommended that the incumbent be
granted the difference between his regular salary and the
stipend paid to his substitute. A person taking such leave,
with part salary, would be obligated to return to his posi-
tion for three years. Only persons who had been on the
staff for six years would be eligible for this privilege of
sabbatical leave.*

The trustees recommended this plan to the Board of
Regents, who adopted a regulation providing for such
_ sabbaticals. The Regents required that a report of the
work accomplished during the period of leave should be
made to the president of the college at the end of such
period, but apparently omitted the suggestion that the pro-
fessor be obligated to remain on the staff for three vears
after his return.° 11794


The first sabbatical leaves were granted in 1923 to
Dr. J. V. De Porte for research in biometrics and vital
statistics at Johns Hopkins University and to Professor A.
W. Risley for study and research in Europe with special
emphasis upon post-war social and economic conditions
and upon the new governments in Czechoslovakia and
Hungary.’ From this trip, Dr. Risley returned with a great
admiration for the Italian Fascism of Benito Mussolini. In
1925, Dr. Harold W. Thompson was granted a sabbatical
leave for study in Scotland, upon a fellowship granted by
the Guggenheim Foundation. In 1926-27, the regulations
were changed somewhat, in that thereafter the stipend of
the professor was to be one-half his regular salary.* Persons
who were not eligible for sabbatical leaves, either because
they were instructors or because they had not served on
the faculty for six years, were frequently granted leaves
of absence without pay to carry on graduate work. Several
obtained their doctorates in this way.

Dr. William C. Bagley once remarked that the normal
schools of Massachusetts were the Cinderellas of the state-
supported education program. The same was true in New
York ied apany y ars. Especially did the years of the First
World War focus attention upon the small remuneration
of the teachers of teachers. Finally, aided by the general
trends of the times to grant teachers more recognition and
to reward them more in keeping with their responsible
osition in society, the college was able, from time to time,
to raise the sal ary schedule Of the teaching staff. In 1915,
the salary range of full professors was from $2500 to $3500;
of assistant professors, from $1800 to $2400; of instructors,
‘rom $1200 to $1700.°

In 1916, the board of trustees authorized the following
salary schedule: president, $6000; dean, $4500; professors,
from $2500 to $4000, with increments of $150 for each year
of meritorious service, up to the maximum; assistant pro-

@)

[ 180 }


fessors, from $1800 to $2400, with increments of $100;
instructors, $1200 to $1700, with increments of $100. The
legislature, in 1920, revised the salary schedule, increasing
the minima and maxima, as follows: president, $6000 to
$6500; dean, $4500 to $5000; dean of women, $2000 to

$3200; professors, $3000 to $4000; assistant professors,

$2000 to $3000; instructors, $1500 to $1900; assistants,
$1200 to $1500.”°

This revision of salaries at Albany was part of a state-
wide readjustment, and was doubtless, in part at least, the
result of a strong campaign by the State Teachers Associa-
tion which resolved:

That both our plain duty to the community and our own intelligent
self-interest require that as an association we shall do all within our
power to help in establishing the best and most effective teacher train-

ing institutions in the state of New York that it is possible to secure.

This resolution was accompanied by demands for higher
salaries in the normal schools and at the State College.*

An upward trend was found necessary again in 1925.
The salary range then was as follows: president, $6000 to
$7500 with increments of $250; dean, $5000 to $6000 with
increments of $250; dean of women, $3000 to $4000 with
increments of $200; director of training, $4000 to $5500
with increments of $250; professors, $4000 to $5000 with
increments of $250; instructors, $2000 to $2800 with incre-
ments of $100.”

This salary schedule has remained unchanged since 1925,
except for the temporary expedient of a reduction of from
six to ten per cent, due to the financial stringencies resulting
from the depleted revenues of the state during the depres-
sion. This reduction was first subtracted in 1933 from all
salaries of more than $2000.”

While these salaries compared favorably with the national _

medians, and are far higher than those paid in small liberal
arts colleges in the mid-west, it must be borne in mind that

{ 181 }

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Albany is an expensive place in which to live, and that
professors were expected to maintain a relatively high
standard of living. Travel to professional meetings almost
always came from one’s own pockets, for the travel item in
the budget was -and is-ridiculously low. Nor should it be
forgotten that frequently persons who richly merited pro-
motions had to sit for years on the top rail of their particular
rank, since the number of persons in each rank was set by
law in ratio to the number of students enrolled.

Inability of the administration to promote the younger
faculty members as fast as they deserved led to a consider-
able turn-over in the staff. During Dr. Brubacher’s 24
years as president, 175 persons had held and relinquished
appointments in the college. This was an average of seven
a year, or nine and one-half per cent. The lower ranks
changed “so rapidly that professional esprit de corps is
difficult to maintain.” It should be recalled that this turn-
over of 175 included several persons retiring because of age
and also included substitutes for persons on leave. There
is no doubt, though, that the turn-over would have been
less if promotion had been more certain.

The office of dean at State College, like Topsy, “just
grew’, largely through a series of informal steps. ‘‘Pend-
ing the reorganization of the college” in 1906, William B.
Aspinwall of the education department was “invested with
the title and functions of Assistant to the President.” He
apparently was never recognized officially by the title of
lean, though he is listed as dean and professor of education

m 1906 to 1912 in his biographical account in Who’s

10 in America. In 1912, Dr. Milne “notified the board

Professor Aspinwall had resigned his position” to
wept the principalship of a normal school in Massachu-
setts.”

To succeed him, Professor Leonard A. Blue was ap-
pointed. No specific mention of a deanship was made at

[182 }


the time, however. The term “dean” was soon used in
relationship to Dr. Blue, though—specifically in 1913 and
1914. Dean Blue was appointed acting president upon the
death of Dr. Milne in 1914. “A distinct loss’ was suffered
by the college when Dean Blue died in 1916. His was a
“distinctive teaching power.” His students received the
stamp of his personality which was strongly exerted in
behalf of service, loyalty and sound scholarship. He
“endeared himself in unusual degree to faculty and students
alike, and had given clear evidence of large usefulness to
the educational interests of our State.” *°

Harlan Hoyt Horner, who had come from Hlinois in
1904, to be secretary to Dr. Andrew Sloan Draper, the first
commissioner of education, was appointed dean in 1917.
He came to the college when ‘“‘the office of dean was in its
infancy”, when “‘its routine was almost wholly unformed
and its scope was largely undetermined.” To the office
he brought “‘a genius for organization”. Since he was a
“man of sound scholarship and high ideals’, his influence
upon the student body was “wholesome and inspiring.”
He served capably as dean until he resigned in 1923, to
become field secretary of the New York State Teachers
Association. Later, he became assistant, and then associate,
commissioner for higher education in the state education
department.”

His successor as dean was Dr. William Henry Metzler,
a distinguished mathematician, who had been dean of the
graduate school and then dean of the college of liberal arts
at Syracuse University. Dr. Metzler served as dean until
his retirement in 1933.”°

For the first time in the history of the college, one of its
own graduates became dean, with the appointment of Dr.
Milton Goodrich Nelson to that office in 1933. Dr. Nelson
brought to the office a wide experience in New York state
school administration, and a keen sympathy with the prob-

{ 183 }


lems of young men and women. A graduate of the Oneonta
State Normai School, he had taught in rural schools, in
New York City, and in Connecticut and had been district
superintendent in Delaware County from 1912 to 1923. He
received the bachelor of science degree from State College
in 1924, and the master of science degree from Cornell
University the next year. Having earned his Ph.D. degree
at Cornell in 1927, he was at once called back to State Col-
lege as an assistant professor of education. He became
director of the summer session in 1929, and full professor
of education in the same year. Dr. Nelson’s courses in the
principles of education and in school administration will
long be remembered by the large numbers of students who
learned, under his direction, the principles that have stood
‘so many of them in good stead upon numerous occasions.
nee his direction, the work in school administration was
_greatly expanded and strengthened at the college. Many
young ‘State College graduates, embarking upon their first
principalships, felt as indebted to him for his sound teach-
ings and wise counsel as earlier generations felt indebted
to David Perkins Page. Dr. Nelson remains dean of the
college.

Even before they had been taken to the bosom of educa-
tionists with the eclat and acclaim of the 1920’s and the
1930's, Dr. Brubacher welcomed the introduction of extra-
class activities into the State College student life. There
had been, for years, some athletics, literary societies and a
college magazine. Such activities were typical of the col-
leges, normal schools, academies and seminaries of the
time. Compared with the wide range of activities which
grew up under Dr. Brubacher’s encouragement, they offered
only a scant fare.

The early years under this new president saw the begin-
nings of the three most important extra-class organizations
now at the college—the student association, the State Col-

{ 184 ]


a at

lege News, and Myskania, the senior honor society. A
scholastic honor society, Signum Laudis, was founded in
the latter years of Dr. Brubacher’s regime.

Motivated by the desire for some student participation in
the government of the college, and encouraged by Professor
Adna W. Risley, a group of students petitioned President
Milne, in 1914, for permission to establish a student associ-
ation. Approached by the committee, the doughty Scot
replied “There is no place in this institution for the associ-
ation and activities contemplated in this petition.” Thus
set in their place, the students abandoned the project.’

When he assumed the presidency the next year, Dr.
Brubacher listened sympathetically to another petition pre-
sented by Alfred Dedicke and others. His sympathetic
encouragement led to the establishment of the student
association, which has been a tremendous factor in the
democratic life of the student body ever since.

For many years, the student association has had almost
complete control of all purely student activities. Each
year, in an annual session comparable to the best traditions
of the town meeting, the students vote a student tax and
apportion the revenue among their numerous activities, such
as a literary magazine, college paper, athletics, dramatics,
music, health fund, etc. The management of the budget
is in the hands of a student board of finance. Of this board,
the treasurer for many years was Professor Clarence A.
Hidley, who has given to the board untold hours of devoted
service.

One of the favorite and traditional activities of students
at State College has been, for many years, the presentation
of “stunts”. A “stunt” may be defined as a more-or-less
dramatic presentation by a group of students for the amuse- _
ment of their fellows. At times, these students have been
artistic and dramatic; and, at times, crude, silly and in

questionable taste.
[185 }

ee sapehamacenat _ hattericeniedeieasinecse
ERNE RAY Se rear sae no pene spans ar  NES


Probably no stunt has had so gteat an influence as one
Ptesented in the old auditorium in 1916 by Alfred Dedicke
and a group of his fellow students. This presentation
attempted to show the need for a college weekly newspaper.
Though the scenario no longer exists, the State College
News prides itself on its origin as a result of this appeal.
The first issue of the News, published in the fall of 1916,
carried a summary of the news of the week. It was a small,
four-column venture, with more “literary” than journalistic
style. The News continued as a four-column paper until
the fall of 1926, when Edwin R. Van Kleeck, ’27, now assist-
ant commissioner of education for instructional supervision
in the University of the State of New York, enlarged it
into a five-column Newspaper, and infused a surprisingly
large degree of professional journalism into its columns.
The News of 1926-27 won several honors in inter-collegiate
competition, and has, with occasional oscillations, main-
tained a high standard of scholastic journalism ever since.
Since the college offered no instruction in journalism, one
of Van Kleeck’s innovations was a “cub class” for freshman
feporters, taught by the editors of the paper. He brought
to this class much experience gained in part-time employ-
ment with the Troy Times, the Albany Evening News and
the Knickerbocker Press as college reporter.

The senior honor society, Myskania, was founded in
1917, to grant recognition to those students who had dis-
tinguished themselves in scholarship and in extra-class
activities. For the first few years, the whole junior class
marched, single file, across the platform in the assembly
on Moving-Up Day; from these juniors the retiring Mys-
kania members “tapped” their successors. Later, the same
ends were served in a more appropriate manner by having
the senior Myskania members descend from the platform
and, amid a hush of expectancy, single out their successors.

{ 186 }


ee

The function of Myskania is two-fold: to recognize
leadership, and to provide a small group of leading seniors
to guard the customs and traditions of the student body.
For some years, the group served in an administrative
capacity in the student government; in more recent years,
it has been more judicial and honorary. The symbol of the
organization is a hexagonal gold key, emblazoned with the
coat of arms of the state of New York.

In a changing world, even institutions set up to be cus-
todians of traditions are bound to change. This is par-
ticularly true in a student body whose complete citizenship
changes every four years. In more recent years, Myskania
has come more and more to recognize leadership in student
extra-class activities, and less and less scholastic excellence.
The present scholastic requirement is merely a minimum of
a “C’” average—i.e., average scholarship.

To provide a means of recognizing high scholarship, in
addition to the usual dean’s list and commencement honors,
a group of students and faculty organized a scholastic
society in 1930. This society, known as Signum Laudis,
elects to membership persons standing in the top ten per
cent of their class, scholastically. The standards for the
group were set so high that the student largely responsible
for its organization was not eligible for membership.”

As early as 1916, the college aspired to recognition by the
installation of a chapter of Phi Beta Kappa. In that year,
Professor Leonard Woods Richardson enlisted the aid of
John H. Finley, the commissioner of education, and of the
Regents of the University in presenting “our position tc
the necessary number of colleges for the establishment of
a chapter of Phi Beta Kappa.” *

Dr. Richardson’s statement of the college’s case included
the history of the college, the status of the faculty, the
number of students (755), the colleges represented by

{ 187 }


graduate students, the requirements for admission, the scope
of the work of the institution, and the following argument:

Because of the design of the College and the nature of its cur-
riculum, of the important work it is doing in the training of teachers
for the secondary schools and of the fact that so many leading colleges
are represented on its Faculty, this petition is presented to you and it
is presented in the hope that you will aid the Department of Educa-
tion in the State of New York in its work of raising the standard of
scholarship therein.*?

Professor W. C. Decker was appointed by the president
to petition for the establishment of a chapter. He, too,
solicited the aid of Dr. Finley, who replied that he would
be glad to have a chapter at the college.** Accordingly, the
appeal was made, but was not favorably acted upon—prob-
ably because of the vocationalism implicit in the name of
the institution. Other subsequent attempts to obtain a
charter met the same fate. While traditional liberal arts
colleges of lesser resources and attainment have chapters, the
State College for Teachers has never been successful in
achieving one. :

If its public schools are to be of high standard, it would

appear that a state has two obligations in the preparation —

of teachers: the furnishing of a preliminary training before
the candidate enters the service, and the provision of oppor-
tunity for in-service training, to insure professional growth
and to provide for increasing the teacher’s mastery of sub-
ject matter and professional skill. As has been noted, New
York recognized the first of these obligations as early as
1834, and has not deviated from it since. Recognition of
the second responsibility soon followed, for in 1847, the
first state aid was granted to temporary assemblages of
teachers known as institutes. Not for many decades, how-
ever, were summer sessions and extension courses estab-
lished by the state. These latter two agencies, together
with the meetings of the various professional associations

[ 188 }

|


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pontiigtaieaitainimememmivesnataas aia

and a wide employment of supervisors, are today the chief
means of in-service education of teachers in New York.
Perhaps the early institutes which were held at the close
of school in the spring might be considered to have some
connection, more or less remote, with the later summer
sessions. More success. might attend an attempt to show
the relationship of the summer institutes, conducted after
1896, as forerunners of the present summer sessions. Their
objects were quite similar, and often the Normal School
faculty constituted a fair share of the summer institute con-
ductors. Demands for these summer institutes were made
as early as 1883, but they were not instituted until 1896.
When they were discontinued a few years later, a real need
was manifest for some agency to take their place.
Commissioner Andrew Sloan Draper, who had such an
influence on several other phases of education and particu-
larly on teacher training, was an early advocate of teacher .
training through summer sessions. He showed that the
investment of more than two million dollars in normal
school buildings and equipment was not used more than —
seventy-five per cent of the year, and that during a fourth
of the year the state was receiving no return upon this
investment. At the same time, there were in the state large
numbers of persons who needed more training than they
possessed, and who were willing to attend summer sessions,
if the opportunity were offered. Dr. Draper accordingly
suggested opening three or four normal schools each sum-
mer.2> The recommendation was continued for several
years, and in 1912 a specific recommendation was made,

urging an appropriation of $4,000 for the purpose of con-
ducting one summer school as an experiment. Oneonta

was chosen as the place for it to be held. The work met
with immediate success, although the session was not an-
nounced until May. Both city and rural teachers attended
from many parts of the state. The enrollment was 214.

[ 189 }


The regular normal school courses and primary-kinder-
gatten work were offered, and a model school was main-
tained. It was decided to continue the Oneonta Normal
School summer session on a permanent basis, and an appro-
ptiation for additional summer schools was requested.”
Not until the summer of 1914, however, was the second
summer session organized, this time at Geneseo. The
appropriation was doubled in consequence.” In 1914, also,
the department of education in the State College of Agti-
culture at Cornell University conducted a summer school
for teachers of agriculture in elementary schools and high
schools, offering rural education, agricultural chemistry,
animal husbandry and like subjects.”

The success of these other ventures led to the inaugura-
tion of the first summer session at the State College in 1917.
Sixteen instructors offered 30 courses, which were attended
by 253 students. The session opened on July 2 and con-
tinued to August 11. In 1918, the attendance was more
than 500, including 145 college graduates, 52 normal school
graduates, 171 high school teachers and principals, 126 ele-
mentary school teachers and principals, and approximately
75 college undergraduates.”

From 1917 to the present, the college has offered a wide
range of courses each summer. The attendance has been:

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ig ae ae are 1170

A study of the summer session catalogs show, in part,
the changing emphasis in education. Certain departmental
offerings have changed very little in these years, but others,
particularly education, have expanded greatly. Only four
courses in education were offered in 1917: history and
principles of education, general and educational psychology,
educational administration, and history and principles of
industrial education. In the summer of 1940, the following
30 courses in education were offered: * psychological study
of problem behavior, educational psychology, mental
measurements, educational tests and measurements, extra-
class activities, educational and vocational guidance, super-
vising pupils’ study, psychology of adolescence, educational
research problems, philosophy of education, comparative
educational philosophy, public school administration, the
secondary school principalship, administration of the sec-
ondary school curriculum, financing public education in
New York State, business mar zement in public schools,
seminar in education, analysis ad counseling of the indi-
vidual pupil, occupational information, educational public
relations, problems in secondary school supervision, mate-
tials and practices in group guidance, psychological tests
applied to guidance, abnormal psychology, a seminar-
laboratory, and five methods courses.

In the early 1920’s, several summer courses in elementary
education were given, presumably principally for former
normal school students who wished additional work in
that field. With the growth of summer terms in the various
normal schools, these courses were eventually dropped.
Immigrant education received considerable attention in

{ 191 }


1918 and 1919, after the First World War had focussed
attention upon this phase of education. Occasionally there- aT
after, the course was given.

Greatly expanded work in music was provided from
1923 to 1926—several times more than in the regular session
of the college. The presumption is that the state had sud-
denly become aware of a shortage of teachers in this field.
The work was dropped abruptly with the 1926 session,
none being given during the next few years.

In the first few years, the college and the state depart-
ment of education granted special consideration to the
temporary examiners who descended on Albany each sum-
mer to re-check the Regents examinations. It was provided
that these temporary examiners might enroll for any courses :
between eight and nine o'clock, “with the understanding
that the full minimum day of seven hours will be devoted
to the regular work in the Examinations and Inspections |
Division”; or the examiners might take work at the college
in the mornings and spend a half day in reading the Regents.
papers. They would be “remunerated accordingly”.

The purposes of the summer session in 1920 were ten-

fold: *

1. To give high school principals opportunity for review and for
study of methods in high school subjects.

2. To give elementary school principals and supervisors training in
principles of teaching and class-room organization, an acquaintance
with modern methods of measuring the achievements of children
in the elementary schools, and opportunity for advanced study in
special branches.

3. To give high school teachers opportunity for rapid review of spe-
cial subjects, study of the State syllabus, and training in the theory
and practice of teaching various subjects.

4. To give primary and grammar school teachers training in methods
and opportunity for refreshing advanced study.

5. To give former teachers who plan to return to teaching the review
of subject matter and method they will need before beginning
their work in September.

6. To give college graduates who plan to teach, who have had no train-
ing in the history and principles of education, educational psy-
cology, and methods, the specific preparation they will need. Spe-
cial effort will be made to prepare recent college graduates to take
up elementary school work.

[ 192 }


2 re

* a To give other college graduates opportunity to begin work for a

master’s degree.

8. To give applicants for special certificates in commercial educa-
tion, drawing, and physical education opportunity for intensive
study and practice.

9. To give a limited number of undergraduates of this and other col-
leges opportunity to make up deficiencies.

10. To give all classes of students the benefit of an institute in Amet-
icanization supplemented by special work in the Departments of
Economics, Government and History.

The aims of the session in 1925 were shortened. ‘Then,

the courses were intended to furnish instruction to: the
following five groups: *°

1. College graduates (a) who wish to pursue work leading to a
Mastet’s degree; (b) who wish to take the work required by the
State for a college graduate’s professional certificate.

2. Superintendents and high school principals who wish to study
special problems in school administration.

3. High school and grammar school teachers who wish to pursue
further study in special subjects or further training in the theory
and practice of teaching.

4, Those desiring special certificates in music.

5. Undergraduates of this college in limited numbers to shorten their
course or make up deficiencies.

Dr. Harlan H. Horner, then dean of the college, organ-
ized the first summer session and directed subsequent ses-
sions until 1921. ‘The other directors have been Winfred
C. Decker, 1922-1929; Dr. Milton G. Nelson, 1930-1934
and 1938-1943; Dr. James B. Palmer, 1935; Professor
Clarence A. Hidley, 1936-1937.

While most of the students in the earlier summer sessions

_ were candidates for bachelor’s degrees or renewed certifi-

cates to teach, the greater share in recent years have been
candidates for the master’s degree. This latter fact is due
principally to three factors: first, many of the earlier stu-
dents have received their first degrees or have retired from
teaching; secondly, the raised standards for entrance into
teaching have assured a more nearly adequately prepared
corps of teachers to begin with; thirdly, Dr. Nelson’s efforts
to increase the number of courses on the graduate level to
appeal to teachers who wished the higher degree.

[193 ]

a ae ea


From the beginning, the college employed visiting pro-
fessors in the summer session. Ordinarily, members of the
regular staff had first choice in the positions; after that, in
order to offer a wider range of courses than the local staff
could provide, faculty members were recruited from other
sources. Not infrequently staff members of the state edu-
cation department and superintendents of schools were
brought in. Professors at numerous colleges and universi-
ties were also engaged. These institutions, to name only
some, included Brown, Bucknell, Chicago, Colgate, Hamil-
ton, Heidelberg, Michigan, Middlebury, Miami, Muskin-
gum, North Carolina, Russell Sage, Simmons, Oklahoma
A. and M., Ohio State University, Ohio University, Prince-
ton, West Virginia Wesleyan and Yale.

In a small and humble way, the system of extension teach-
ing began at the State College in 1911. In that year, Satur-
day classes were held for teachers of household economics
in Albany as well as in three neighboring cities. This small
beginning was regarded as presenting many possibilities
for the training of teachers in service, placing advanced
study and better academic preparation within the reach of
teachers who could not afford to give up their teaching in
order to take a full time course.”

In 1913, the State College at Albany gave certain evening
courses for men in industrial work, and was eager to give
similar work in other fields, to render a larger service to
the state through the continued training of teachers in
service.” In 1916, courses were reported in Albany, Troy
and Schenectady for 193 teachers.*° This work was gradu-
ally extended to answer the needs of teachers near Albany.
Special reasons claimed for the necessity of such work
were the desirability of imbuing teachers with new points of
view, providing additional preparation for advancement,
enabling normal school graduates to work toward a stand-
ard college degree, and the improvement of a teachet’s

[ 194 }


ability by keeping abreast of the advanced work in his sub-
fest 33

The first mention of extension courses in an official docu-
ment was made in 1915, when the president reported a
large demand on the part of Capital District teachers for
opportunities to continue their study at the college. The
demand came alike from public school teachers and sisters
teaching in the numerous parochial schools. Upon Dr.
Brubacher’s recommendation, the trustees authorized the
giving of extension work for a fee of five dollars per
semester hour at centers where 20 or more teachers would
register for a course. Teachers were to be admitted to late
afternoon classes on the campus, without charge. Credits
earned in extension work were to be accepted toward the
regular degrees of the college.

The board did not accept the president’s recommendation
of a flat salary for extension teaching, but rather instituted
a system whereby instructors were permitted to keep what-
ever fees were collected for courses they gave.’ This
unfortunate decision served to put the extension work on a
sort of barter-basis, leading to an abuse which soon had to
be corrected. For a few years, some professors were reputed
to have earned more than $1000 for a single extension
course.

The courses proved popular with the teachers of the
Capital District. In the first year, the enrollment reached
256 in three centers—Albany, Troy and Schenectady. For
1917-18, 22 faculty members offered 33 courses.

From 1915 to the present, extension courses have been
given. In that time, the type of student taking such courses
has changed considerably. In the earlier years, most of the
students were training class or two-year normal school
graduates working for the baccalaureate degree; within
recent years, the majority have been persons taking graduate
work toward the master’s degree.

{ 195 }


The enrollment in extension courses during Dr. Bru-
bacher’s presidency exceeded 9,000. By years, the enroll-
ment was

POLS ENG hcg pee BAA AOD FD B ie ee 526
OAC AT fe ee AOL: 1928-20) se eee | 554
AF Oe Pout ene ry | 88: 1929-30 cer a 546
IDIB TD joi ae E24 , 193034 eo 600
te ie eee ee Ca 3 1 BEG AMA O ores 537
Ee cath tet TRON EE 4G © 1932 39 oi ees. 550
ier a 243 1933-440 ge 515
le tae by Sn me ga 122: IOSS- 35 ss 611
oO 5a a a AR 1D). ADSS SG fea 567
LE 27 + Spel teen la 23” 1936 A7 re 616
eS oe Sei ee pt ADD, ADBIORB Sieh eee 549
5c See Ege eo 907: 1938.30) ee ts 598

Even though one may be tempted to argue that extension
work in any college is likely to be below the par of regular
full-time instruction in the same college, it is doubtless
true that the State College extension courses setved to
advance the Ptepatation of teachers throughout the Capital
District,

In common with other colleges throughout the country,
the State College found that the war years of 1917-18 and
the period of social and Cconomic readjustment that fol-
lowed were disruptive to the usual foutine. As soon as
wat was declared, a Stoup of students fequested that a
course in military science be given. The college accepted
the offer of the United States Army to Provide military

neers and mechanics, under the direction of that depart-
ment’s committee on education and special training. A

[ 196 }


Student Army Training Corps was organized on June 15,
1918 and was demobilized on December 20. From 180 to
230 men were enrolled.*°

The work of this student corps, which was known as
“Section B”, consisted of military drill, auto mechanics,
machine shop, carpentry, pipe fitting, radio signal work,
typographical drawing, and war aims. Barracks were con-
structed on land adjacent to the college campus, and for
a time the college cafeteria was used as a mess hall. ‘‘Sec-
tion A” of the corps was mustered into service on October 1,
1918. It included 41 State College men and 66 men from
the Albany Law School. Though the work of the corps
was interrupted by the armistice in November of the same
year, it was said that as an emergency measure it gave
promise of pronounced success.”

The college registration was materially reduced as a
result of the war. Its young men “responded with great
alacrity’”’ to the call of the nation. The number of under-
graduate men was reduced from 153 in 1916-17 to 35 in
1918-19. The registration of women students was also
reduced. Six State College students and one faculty mem-
ber gave their lives for their country during the war. In
1920, seven oaks were planted on the campus in their
memory, and the alumni erected a bronze tablet in Draper
Hall.*

It was during these war years that President Brubacher
changed the spelling of his first name from “Abraham” to
“Abram”. The catalogs of 1915-1916 to 1917-1918 in-
clusive carry the former name; the catalog of 1918-1919,
published early in 1918, and all subsequent ones carry the
latter.

Five faculty members were granted leaves of absence to
engage in various types of war work. Professor Clarence
F. Hale did “scientific work of great importance” for the
Emergency Shipbuilding Corporation and the General

[ 197 }


Electric Company; Dr. Joseph V. De Porte carried on sta-
tistical investigations for the War Department; Lieut.
Claude Hubbard and Arthur C. Maroney, instructors in
physical education, served in the army; and Gertrude Cris-
sey Valentine, instructor in Latin, did canteen work with
the American Expeditionary Force. Students carried on a
number of war activities, such as conducting campaigns for
the various Liberty Loans, the War Chest, Red Cross and
other organizations,

During the war, it was impossible for the college to sup-
ply the demand for teachers. The demand exceeded the
supply for two reasons: first, fewer persons were gradu-
ated, due to the fact that many left college to engage in
more remunerative pursuits or to serve in defense projects.
Second, the demand for teachers was much greater, for
many experienced persons withdrew from teaching because
of the financial attractions held out to them by clerical and
industrial positions of various kinds. All this indicated to
President Brubacher that “teachers are gtossly underpaid.”

The shortage of teachers, he declared, would not end at
the close of the war. For a period of at least five years,
the-supply would not satisfy the demand. The only way
: to recruit the profession adequately seemed to be by assuring

Prospective teachers the financial and social rewards that
were “commensurate with the importance of the service
rendered.” *

While the distinctive feature of the college year 1919-
1920 was the high registration of students in engineering
and technical courses of American colleges, fewer persons
presented themselves as candidates for the teaching pro-
‘ession. Throughout the nation, teachers colleges, uni-
vetsity departments of education and normal schools suf-
fered reduced enrollments. The State College enrollments
suffered a similiar fate. The numbers attending were:

{ 198 }


Men Women Total

1916217 eee 2 153 FId 926
ALIS es ot oe 118 683 801
EPIC ee 35 629 664
IIS PO et nc 96 596 692

This represented a decline of 28% during the war, and an
insignificant recovery the year after.

Soon after the war and the “return to normalcy”, the
number of students increased greatly. The tremendous
expansion experienced by the secondary schools of the state
in the 1920’s led to an increased demand for teachers. This,
in turn, caused hundreds of young men and women to turn
their eyes toward the State College and the profession of
teaching. The enrollment, by years, for the remainder of
Dr. Brubacher’s presidency, was:

IS 2OR2 a aa es 598
I rs sae 717
NE Pa fe all ae Wt Cea ae Soe ary hee 791
eo OS 930
RAB 2d Sais he ks ae Ee 1026
Le Pp 2 A Pe ON ee ee De ete aD 1087
19202 2 oo a ne 1134
Ly ae ars Sas Sree eS 1136
SOZR Zo AS Oeil he oe es 1176
A as gee | OReUES a we Oar eee cares Pee tfc}
ESE ee ey es Sey Reece ous 1249
cle | owe Mia sg geass Sah gh ea ating Crane Gy Eee 1308
feos fae jo Beas ee Pearly SCP ee 1318
bE ahs Soa Seige nap eS AR Fa nme aces Te 1307
fee tees gc Ge ae gee ee ate ane 1347
MP geo ae 4" ea peer ara ieee 1378
Bre it a Pee ee eee 1384
SIO PS Pee ony Os ea ee EE SSeS 1373
POF ees ee os RS 1379


Many more fully qualified students could have been
admitted except for two factors: the limitation imposed
by the building facilities and the number of teachers, and,
after 1933, the quota established by the Regents of the Uni-
versity of the State of New York.

The new buildings erected on the Western Avenue cam-
pus in 1909 served the purposes of the college for a few
years, but the steady increase in the number of students
soon caused them to be overcrowded. In 1915, soon after
he became president, Dr. Brubacher pointed out that the
registration in one year had increased more than 27 per cent.
This, he declared, emphasized the need for additional
building facilities. He therefore recommended appropri-
ate action by the trustees looking toward the purchase of the
vacant lot adjacent to the college property to the west. The
registration was then 851 students.*

Again in 1916, Dr. Brubacher reverted to the need for
more nearly adequate facilities. He pointed out that the
enrollment had grown from 361 in 1907 to 854 in 1916.
The enrollment by years was stated thus:

EE Rea gi BO Fee SOL 1912. pee eee 503
Be a te i ie eee 254 AGIA ee 590
PP es re ee [87 1914S Oe 556
BLO fa os ee oe bbe TOE eae 670
EIEN Ge sn BI5 SAGIG 854

This increase of 137% showed “‘the strain to which the
Capacity of the present plant has been subjected.” The
work of the college was said to be “seriously hampered” by
the crowded conditions. Efficiency was impaired by the
overcrowding. As examples, Dr. Brubacher pointed out
that the constant use of recitation rooms made it impossible
for the faculty to hold necessary conferences with individual
students. All available space was pressed into service,
leaving no rooms for reading and study by the students,

{ 200 }


The library could not accommodate more than a quarter
of those desiring to use it, at any one time. Consequently,
students were forced to read in ‘dimly lighted corridors,
wholly unsuited for the purpose.” The shops, the gym-
nasium and the space allotted to the commercial department
were all inadequate. The Milne High School needed a
separate building where a “high school atmosphere” could
be maintained.”

The trustees accordingly passed a resolution to introduce
into the legislature a bill for the purchase of additional
property.*7 From time to time throughout 1916, 1917,
1918 and 1919, the president and the trustees continued to
discuss the need of the college for additional buildings.
Finally, in October, 1919, a bill was prepared, to be sub-

~ mitted to the legislature. A bill for securing an option on
the land adjoining the State College was signed by Gov-

ernor Alfred E. Smith on May 21, 1920, and became a law.*

A committee met with the owners of the property, and,
after considerable negotiation, the land was purchased in
1922 at a total cost of $70,000. The lot comprised “‘a trifle
less than two acres” and extended from the science building
to the property of the Albany High School.*

The total cost of the land on which the college buildings
are now located, comprising less than a full city block, was
thus $145,000, plus the surrender of the property on Willett
Street. This $145,000 represents the total of the amounts
paid in 1906 and in 1922. For this amount, a handsome
and spacious property could have been purchased in a less
valuable section of the city. Dr. Milne’s unwillingness to
accept the broad-visioned suggestions of two of his faculty
in 1906 thus resulted in a great expense to the college and
in the unnecessary cramping of the institution into too
small a campus."

Additional land having at last been acquired, State Sen-
ator (now Congressman) William T. Byrne, a good friend

{ 201}

pegs ial a ae ee


of the college, introduced into the legislature a bill for
the erection of the “William J. Milne Hall” on the property.
The trustees presented before a legislative committee the
needs of the college." The legislature authorized plans for
the new building, and the president drew up preliminary
Specifications. Negotiations were entered into with the
state architect. Finally, in 1923, Dr. Brubacher recom-
mended the appropriation of $600,000 for the construction
of the building, to provide an auditorium, gymnasium,
library, additional laboratories and a new practice high
school. The board endorsed the $600,000 estimate, but
soon the estimate was raised to $900,000 at the request of
the architect. In the meantime, plans had progressed so
far as to permit the letting of contracts for the installation
of foundations, under a special appropriation of $75,000.
The trustees then asked for $825,000 additional appropri-
ation, in order to complete the structure.”

The student body continued to grow so fast that one of
the principal concerns of the administration was to keep
the registration down to a point where the plant facilities
and the teaching staff could be reasonably adequate.

* Excavation was made in 1925, and the earth was piled
on the front campus of the college. This “unsightly mound
of earth” in an “objectionable twelve-foot pile” irked the
president, but he was unsuccessful in his attempt to have it
removed.”

Attempts to obtain $1,000,000 from the 1926 legislature
for the completion of the buildings were unsuccessful.
Despite the storming of the State Colle ge News and of the
Sunday Telegram, a local newspaper of the period, the
oundations remained exposed to the elements, and the

ound of earth remained near them. In the meantime, the

esident suggested that a clock should be placed on the
wer of one of the new buildings, when constructed, and

that the whole campus should be surrounded by a fence.**

[ 202 }

- Cae ao 2
Ee nan


‘From time to time throughout his presidency, Dr. Bru-
bacher tried to have the campus fenced, in order to keep
Albanians from taking short-cuts across the campus. He
was particularly annoyed that some of the public used
Draper Hall, the administration building, as a public
thoroughfare from Washington to Western Avenues. More
than once he was irritated by women with shopping bags
and bundles of groceries who went in the rear door, passed
Minerva in the rotunda, and calmly walked down the main
entrance. The most he was ever able to accomplish, how-
ever, was the construction of a sidewalk, to keep the public
from wearing an unsightly path across a corner of the
campus. The estimated cost of such a fence was $8500. If
it had been built, $3500 of class gifts would have been used
for ornamental gates.

The lack of adequate lecture rooms and the pressure of
Class size became so great that Channing Hall, a portion of
the neighboring Unitarian Church, was rented for Dr.
David Hutchison’s large and popular classes in govern-
ment.”

In the meantime, the excavations remained unfinished
with the walls crumbling, while the growth of the student
body continued to accentuate the problems of the college.
It was a hard struggle to restrict the registration to a point
in keeping with the plant facilities and the teaching staff.
With more than 1200 applicants each year, it was increas-
ingly difficult to limit the freshman class to 300."

Dr. Brubacher reported that the classes were so large that
“our procedure is largely determined by the necessities and
restrictions imposed upon us, rather than by the dictates of
a progressive educational policy”. The lecture plan was
“forced upon us in a number of instances where we believe
it is a pedagogical error’.** He submitted comparative
data to show that much better educational facilities were
provided in the state schools of forestry, agriculture and

{ 203 }


veterinary medicine than in the State College for Teachers.
He then went on to say”

These figures are the indices of the public estimate of teachers and
teaching. We have no other concrete evidence to forestall the con-
clusion that the veterinarian is four or five times as valuable to society
as the teacher. . . . Without detracting from any of these educational
efforts, I am ready to defend the thesis that the teacher is the most )
important public servant in a democracy; that the stability and per-
manence of our institutions rest squarely upon the work of the teacher.

. . . It is high time that the shameful inequalities above shown be

removed and the training of teachers placed on a more honorable basis.

The state architect’s plans for the new buildings were
approved by the board of trustees, March 8, 1927, after
several changes had been made. One change required that
the columns in the gymnasium be placed farther apart, to
permit a larger open floor space. A story, probably apocry-
phal, sometimes told at State College is that the trustees
and the college administration objected to any posts at all
in the gymnasium, and that Governor Alfred E. Smith,
sustaining the architect, pounded on his desk and declared
that the college would take the gymnasium with posts, or
not take a gymnasium at all. Perhaps this story has no
more foundation than the tale, fast becoming a legend, that
a small mid-western college refused $1,000,000 offered by
the Duke family, because the money was made from the
sale of tobacco, especially cigarette tobacco. Every college
must have its share of tales: the story of Governor Smith
and the posts is one of the few of this type at State. It is
evident, though, that the state architect was hardly familiar
with modern school construction.

The new buildings, begun in 1920 were finally available
in mid-winter, 1928-29. The chronology of the legislation
necessary follows: °°

1920—$5000 appropriated for option on land

1922—-$65,000 appropriated to complete purchase of land

1923—$75,000 appropriated for construction of new
buildings

{ 204 }

— = pei st ac al SaaS


1925—$75,000 reappropriated

1926—$850,000 appropriated

1927—$8,289.76 reappropriated

1928—$827,075.08 reappropriated

1928—$100,000 appropriated for equipment
1929—$14,500 appropriated for grading, walks, etc.

The building assigned to the Milne High School was
opened in February, 1929, and the high school was moved
from the top floor of the administration building. Its place
there was immediately taken by the commerce department
of the college, which had led a subterranean existence for
many years in the basements of the science and administra-
tion buildings.

Work on the new auditorium was complete in the spring
of 1929, and it was available for the Moving Up Day and
Commencement ceremonies that year. At once, plans were
made to convert the old auditorium into a library.

Up to this time, the college library had been cramped
into one large class-room on the second floor of the admin-
istration building. The space had been entirely inadequate
for years. Quarters were so congested that only a few
students could use the library at one time, ventilation was
non-existent, and students felt they were discouraged from
doing any but the minimum essentials of required reading.

In 1928, Dr. Brubacher had submitted alternative plans
to the trustees, to provide for better library conditions. The
first plan was to level the floor of the auditorium and install
library shelving, at an estimated expense of $40,000. Under
this plan, he said, the facilities would still fall short of the
specifications of the American Library Association, the
American Association of Teachers Colleges, and the school
libraries supervisor of the state department of education.

The second plan called for the levelling of the floor of the
old auditorium, and the building of an addition, 80 by 100

T 205 }


—

>

feet, at an estimated expense of $200,000. This second
plan was approved by the trustees, but when the necessary
appropriation was not forthcoming the first plan was put
into effect." The new building was dedicated June 17,
1933, the address being given by Dr. James I. Wyer, director
of the New York State Library.”

Now that the college had six buildings, it was felt appro-
priate that these buildings be named. Up to this time, the
three older structures were known merely as the auditorium,
administration building and science building. In 1929,
Dr. Brubacher proposed the names for all six buildings,
and the trustees voted so to name them.

Of the three older buildings, the administration building
was named Draper Hall, after Dr. Andrew Sloan Draper,
the first commissioner of education; the science building,
Husted Hall, after the late veteran professor of mathematics
and Civil War captain; the former auditorium, now the
new library, Hawley Library, after Gideon Hawley, the
first state superintendent of common schools in any Ameri-
can state, and a member of the first executive committee
of the State Normal School.

The central building of the new gtoup was named Page
Hall, in honor of David Perkins Page, the first ptincipal;

_the building occupied by Milne High School was appropri-

ately called Milne Hall, in honor of the late president; and
the third building, planned for the home economics and
language departments, was at first known as Richards Hall,
in commemoration of Ellen H. Richards, a pioneer in the
study of home economics. When that subject was discon-
tinued at the college, the inappropriateness of the name was
at once apparent. The suggestion made by an editorial in
the State College News, that “on” be added and the build-
ing be dedicated to the memory of the beloved Leonard
Woods Richardson, retired professor of the ancient lan-
guages, was adopted by President Brubacher. No official

[ 206 }


action seems ever to have been taken by the board, however,
in changing the name; it would seem, therefore, so far as
the board is concerned, the name is still Richards Hall.
Now that the college at last had reasonable adequate
classroom facilities, attention could be directed more whole-
heartedly to the great need for residence halls for the stu-
dents. . While New York could well point with pride to
many aspects of its teacher education program, one phase
of it had been woefully neglected. At not one of the state
teacher education institutions were there, in the early 1930's,
adequate living facilities for the students, A study by Dr.
Lynn E. Brown of the Cortland State Normal School, made
in 1933, indicated that the typical female student in the
New York state teachers colleges and normal schools lived
in too restricted an atmosphere, her room being both unat-
tractive and too small for health and study needs. The
following quotation from Dr. Brown’s dissertation was
probably as applicable to Albany as to the other state insti-
tutions: °°

She shares toilet facilities which are too crowded and inconvenient
for good health habits. Her meals are often poorly prepared and
unbalanced, eaten amid surroundings which are neither elevating nor
conducive to relaxation, and sometimes not even congenial. She
shares her room, many times her bed. Her home life is often influ-
enced by the man of the house who is coarse and familiar, by a land-
lady who is neither gracious nor understanding and possibly of care-
less moral standards, and who allows her children, family disputes, or
the radio to violate the student’s privacy and distract her peace of mind.

Too many bath restrictions, invasion of one’s Ptivacy,
lack of a proper place to entertain one’s friends, and poorly
planned meals did not seem to be desirable concomitants of
higher education. Due to lack of a desirable place to live,
the students, who frequently came from a very modest home
background, had no opportunity to learn the gtacious ways
of living that one might legitimately expect of a teacher.

Many students at Albany lived in fraternity and sorority

houses. Since Albany is located in a densely populated

{ 207 }

Sa aa ot ee ae Ee ee oe


region, many commuted daily from Schenectady, Troy,
Cohoes and other neighboring cities. A limited number
lived in various types of cooperative houses. Many of the —
Roman Catholic girls lived in Newman Hall, a house spon-
sored by the Albany diocese of that church. The great
majority of students, however, lived in private houses and
in privately conducted boarding houses.

In his first annual report to the trustees, Dr. Brubacher
called to their attention the fact that the students were not
housed satisfactorily. It was impossible for them to “secure
satisfactory rooms in sufficient numbers near the college.”
Consequently, many students were forced to live at great
distances, while others crowded into nearby rooms. “Fully
two hundred boarding houses” were under the supervision
of the college, but they were so scattered that “adequate
supetvision of the physical and social conditions under
which they place the students is very difficult.” He might
truthfully have said that supervision was impossible for one
busy dean of women, to whom this responsibility was
assigned. The president then went on to say that a dormi-
tory with suitable accommodations should be provided for
the women students. A Cooperative dormitory, privately
owned and managed but under the careful supervision of
the college, was advocated. He hoped that “private enter-
prise will come forward to provide such a cooperative
hall.”*

When, in 1920, Dr. Brubacher again presented the need
for satisfactory housing facilities, the trustees asked him
to investigate the provisions made by other states and coun- :
tries for the housing of teachers in training. Meeting this
challenge, he presented an outline of statistics on college,
university and normal school housing in the United States.
Of 22 colleges and universities in 20 states, 17 provided
ees dormitories and five did not: of 114 normal schools in 39
states, 80 provided dormitories and 34 did not. Dormi-

[ 208 J


tories, student clubs and_ athletic fields, the president
declared, were second only to the laboratory and the library
in the education of college students. No college could
safely ignore such needs, but New York provided no such
facilities.

Purchase or construction of dormitories was recom-
mended to the trustees again the next year, when it was
revealed that in some instances as many as four students
shared a room. Though they were unable or unwilling
to exert themselves over this matter, the trustees, in 192 1,
passed a resolution warmly commending “‘the spirit of
loyalty” of the alumni in attempting to raise a fund with
which to erect a residence hall. “Official cooperation and
support’ were pledged, and a formal resolution, commend-
ing the project to the citizens of Albany, was passed.”

Attempts by the state education department, the college
officials and the state teachers association to jolt the legisla-
ture out of its apathetic attitude regarding how the future
teachers lived were without success. It became apparent,
therefore, that if suitable residence halls were to be built,
they would have to be undertaken by private persons or
associations.

Two persons on the faculty of the State College were
tremendously concerned with the crying need for suitable
residence halls. They were Dr. John M. Sayles, director
of training, and Miss Anna E. Pierce, dean of women.
Under their guidance, a plan was laid whereby graduates
of the college would pledge $100 each toward a building
fund. A public campaign was undertaken with the sympa-
thetic endorsement of the local press, prominent citizens
and molders of public opinion. Though it came at the
same time as a hospital campaign for $300,000 and a Ma-
sonic campaign for $1,000,000, the residence hall drive
netted $293,000 in pledges. A building committee at once
set to work to draw up plans for a residence hall.”

[T 209 }


After several years of valiant work on the part of Dr.
Sayles, Miss Pierce and many friends of the college, a
parcel of land between Ontario and Partridge Streets, three
blocks west of the campus, was purchased. Here, in 1935,
was opened a handsome colonial building for the housing
of a hundred women students. Nearby were three, then
four, residences also acquired by the alumni. The title to
the property rests in the hands of a “benevolent associa-
tion” affiliated with the alumni association.

Known first as the ‘““Alumni Residence Hall’, this build-
ing was renamed ‘‘Pierce Hall” in 1941, in honor of Miss
Pierce—beloved “Dean Annie’”—to thousands of alumni
It contains a reception hall, reading room, small reception
rooms, large social room, dining hall, and rooming accom-
modations for a hundred women. In charge are a social
director and a dietician-manager, both of whom have suites
on the main floor. Appropriately, a large portrait of Dean
Pierce occupies a prominent place in the reception hall.

Furniture was selected with extreme care, and in excel-
lent taste. Without exaggeration, it can be said that Pierce
Hall compares favorably with the women’s dormitories of
the best traditional liberal arts colleges. The institution
of this hall has served to attract to the college socially more
desirable young women who would have scorned the living
conditions that existed before 1935.

In the fall of 1941, a comparable residence hall for men
was opened on the Partridge Street end of the alumni prop-
erty. The story of this building, fittingly named for Dr.
Sayles, is more appropriately a part of the next chapter of
this history, and will be more fully treated there.

It cannot be too clearly emphasized that the state con-
tributed not a cent to either of these buildings. Private
citizens, friends of the college and the loyal alumni gave of
their time and resources to bring into being this project.

{ 210}


Both Pierce and Sayles halls are conducted on a self-
liquidating basis. The original investment was $669,712.82.
Liabilities on the mortgages were $328,375.66, in 1943.
This liability was being reduced at the rate of two per cent
per year, after interest charges were paid.*°

The only unfortunate aspects of the whole situation were
these: the great, rich state of New York, which prides itself
on being the “Empire State”, was too lacking in vision and
too parsimonious to erect the halls; and, unfortunately, land
contiguous to the campus was not available to the alumni.
At one time, the alumni had been seriously interested in
the purchase of the Cooper residence facing the campus
on Western Avenue, but negotiations were dropped when
it was learned that building restrictions were such on that
property that additional buildings could not be built. Here
again was apparent the lack of vision on the part of Presi-
dent Milne in rejecting the New Scotland Avenue site that
had been urged upon him by two of his faculty in 1906.

When Page, Milne and Richardson Halls were opened
for use in 1929, the college was at once confronted with
the problem of whether to admit the larger number of stu-
dents who could be taught, now that more classrooms were
available. While it was possible to enroll a somewhat
larger number, the president pointed out that such a pro-
cedure was not desirable at that time because of the satis-
factory balance existing between the supply and demand
for beginning teachers. In 1929, it was “possible to place
practically all graduates and it therefore (seems) unde-
sirable to increase the registration except in the commercial

teachers’ course, which will be extended’’.®*
Dr. Brubacher preferred to utilize the additional space

and the additional instructors who were authorized, to make
possible the elimination of over-size classes, and to provide
lighter teaching loads in some instances, to make possible
more extra-classroom contributions such as guidance and

{ 211]


personnel work. Fifteen additional staff members were
provided for in the college budget.”

Although the undergraduate registration was accordingly
held at its previous level, the number of college graduates
going to the college as candidates for the masters’ degree
grew, year by year. The registration of these graduate stu-
dents was:

1919-220 ©. ok. bs eee Dh AO ss ene ea eee 59
PAID bigs ss Cis ene BG Id og op wee 66
BOLI LD: gs Cain's oh eae ee Be AN A as k's s cgi ee ee 101
TS PEEL, Vee geen a ee US) & ies eee 103
4925-04 *) oc. see oe FB ye ee ne Ise A 113
BODA- 29 cs oi dee oe a9) is Sw bee 167
BID. ico Aw meal 1 195) 90 Us fae po a 184
DIG 2 Fe as os 05 5 Sale Bh PRION us any cae Te 184
BA ba eth ik viele ida Mig eA @ | cme ee,» eer ener 173
1928-29 . nocuccncceises BO bio ae ee SP ee 184

Especially during the economic depression of the early
1930’s did the number of applicants grow. The “heavy
demand for admission by transfer’ and the “unusual spread
of age distribution” of the students were problems raised
by the consequences of the upset of many persons’ financial
stability.”

By action of the Board of Regents, the undergraduate
quota of the college was set at 1200 in 1933. Three hun-
dred freshmen were admitted annually. Beginning in 1932,
it was necessary to restrict sharply admission to advanced
tanding from other colleges and from the normal schools.

hese limitations were “imposed primarily for the purpose

‘ balancing the supply of teachers with the demand.” ”

While it was “generally believed” that “a considerable
surplus of teachers” existed and that “the number of unem-
ployed teachers (was) large”, no accurate statistics existed.
However, “several patent facts” were available. The

{ 212}


apparent excess of teachers, Dr. Brubacher told the board
of visitors, in an extended statement, was accentuated by
economic conditions. These surplus teachers, he said, were
divided into three classes:

(a) married women who used to teach; (b) professional men who
cannot now support themselves in their regular field; and (c) men
who have recently graduated from professional schools such as engi-
neering but who cannot find employment in those fields.
Roundly condemning all three groups, Dr. Brubacher
pointed out |

The first group is the most numerous. There are thousands of mar-
ried women who have the technical preparation and who taught suc-
cessfully before their marriage. Their professional status was allowed
to lapse because of their marriage. They have not kept pace with pro-
fessional literature, and in many cases their certification is no longer
valid. Nevertheless, these thousands of former teachers, driven by
hard family circumstances, now crowd back into the teaching field
and give the appearance of unemployment to the whole teaching
profession.

Though the second group of professional persons was

much smaller, there were many who had

lost their former means of subsistence and now seek to capitalize their
college education as teachers. These men may have taught for a time
but were lured away by the larger financial rewards in commercial
fields. They now return and again pose as teachers. They do not

belong in the teacher group and should not be counted as unemployed
teachers.

The third group, the young men and women from liberal
atts colleges, engineering schools and business courses who
sought temporary refuge from the chill economic blasts of
the 1930’s were, Dr. Brubacher continued, turning “to
teaching as an escape”. They were “crowding graduate
courses in education in order to satisfy the professional
requirements.”

During the depression years, the State College had all
three types of persons applying for admission, and many
were admitted. The faculty, particularly in the depart-
ment of education, found an almost insuperable task in
attempting to make professionally minded teachers out of

{ 213}


those who looked upon teaching merely as a refuge or as
a temporary expedient, lightly to be entered into and lightly
to cast aside again when more favorable circumstances
offered.

The third category, in particular, swelled the graduate
enrollment of the college. Another large group of the
graduate students consisted of State College graduates who,
upon failing to obtain teaching positions, frequently chose
to return for an additional year of work in the expectation
that their opportunities would be enhanced when they
obtained the master’s degree. It will be an interesting study
in higher education, a decade or two hence, to make a
follow-up survey of the persons who received the master’s
degree and teaching certificates during the 1930's, to find
out how many, particularly how many who were previously
atts college graduates without professional courses in edu-
cation, continued in the teaching profession.

The number of persons flowing into and out of the teach-
ing profession is conditioned throughout the years by such
sociological factors as prestige of the vocation, supply and
demand for teachers, monetary rewards, the general econ-
omic conditions of the country, the laxity or firmness of the
certification requirements, the demand in special subjects,
and many others. While Dr. Brubacher was concerned
during the years of the World War and the years immedi-
ately after the war, about the diminution of the number of
candidates for admission, the pendulum soon swung in the
opposite direction and many more prospective teachers
applied for entrance.

In 1923, to get a better quality of freshmen and to swell
the numbers, Dr. Brubacher urged the desirability of estab-
lishing of a series of scholarships open to “every college
student who is a prospective high school teacher so long as
he maintains an average scholarship grade of 85.” Such
scholarships ‘“‘would undoubtedly stimulate better scholar-

{ 214]

SF: See


ship in the high schools”. Another proposal was to give
preference to prospective high school teachers, in awarding
the state university scholarships of $100 a year. Late the
same year, the board of trustees authorized the president to
“consult with the heads of the normal schools in relation
to the possibility of obtaining scholarships for students
desiring to prepare themselves for the teaching profession.”
Such special grants were never established, however.”

For some years, the college had admitted persons of
mediocre standing in high school subjects. For example,
in 1917, the distribution of high school averages among the
286 admitted from the list of 320 applicants was as follows:
33 with a scholarship average from 60 to 69 per cent; 134
with 70 to 79 per cent; 92 with 80 to 89 per cent, and 19
with 90 to 100 per cent. It was felt that an average of less
than 70 per cent was “too low to promise strong college
work”. It is not wise to seek prospective teachers among
high school students who could not maintain higher scholar-
ship standards, Dr. Brubacher maintained, citing as illustra-
tion the fact that in the freshman class in 1915-1916, 113
out of 312 students failed to achieve sufficient standing to
be rated as sophomores. Of these, 57 withdrew and 56
were allowed to reenter as freshmen the next year. “Better
high school scholarship is necessary for those who desire
to become high school teachers’, the president maintained.
Henceforth, he reported, the committee on admissions
would demand a minimum Regents’ average of 70 per cent.
By these means he hoped to “stimulate to greater effort
those who are looking forward to entering State College.” ™

Throughout the World War period, the admission
standards were maintained “in the belief that scholarship
is a fundamental qualification for prospective teachers.”
Though the system of war credits in the high schools of
the state tended to lower the standard of preparation some-

_ what, that was a temporary phenomenon.”

{ 215 }

force, could not cate properly for more than 300 freshmen,
the President asked the trustees three questions: 7

1. Is the college justified in rejecting candidates who satisfy all the

force may be increased at once and the laboratory Space increased
by renting facilities in the Albany High School ?

ing.”

inquiries. To do So, would give many a small college a list
of thousands of “applicants,” 8

In 1923, a total of 330 freshmen was admitted, in spite
of the fact that “the scholarship requirements had been
rigidly enforced in order to keep the enrollment within
the limits of the physical equipment of the college.” The
following year, the college would accept only those pros-
pects who had maintained an average scholarship standing
of 75 per cent or better. In j 924, there were 1250 requests
for application forms: of these, 500 or more were returned,

[ 216 ]


—_—

i cia,

but more than 200 of the applicants had averages less than
75 per cent. The number accepted was 310.”

Not to restrict admission so much as to garner extra
income, the non-resident tuition for out-of-state students
was raised from $40 to $250 per year, in 1925. There never
had been many non-resident students, for every neighboring
state provided somewhat comparable facilities to those
offered by the State College.”

Throughout the rest of the decade, the number of stu-
dents seeking admission continued to grow. Dr. Brubacher
listed the “number of persons seeking to enter the State
College” as follows: *

TUE ek ee es ht a 535
Pe eA ey fess 943
a P42, BS eae are 1123
AF oes 2: 20a Re ae ane 1401
Li Te Lee i ae ar 1622

In the interest of truth and historical accuracy, however, it
must be recalled that all these were hardly applicants. It
has already been pointed out that of the 535 “applicants”
in 1920-21, several had made “inquiries only”. The same
was presumably the case for the other years listed above.

When the minimum entrance average was established at
75 per cent, a salutory effect was obtained. The mortality
of first year students was reduced, and a “far higher per-
centage” were moved up into the sophomore and upperclass
years.”

Lacking the tuition fees charged by liberal arts colleges
and technical ‘schools, an increasing horde of young men
and women clamored for admission to the State College
during the “depression years”. (Parenthetically, it should
be remembered that there was no tuition fee at the State
College for Teachers and that New York does not main-
tain a university for the higher education of her youth.)

{217}


This constantly increasing flood of applicants made admis.
sion more and more difficult. While some selection had

trol, initiative, power of resistance to mental suggestion,
ambition” was advocated. Psychologists who could devise

before September 1. In this list were included only those
who had a Regents avetage of 87% or higher. On registra-


The apparent weaknesses of the above system of selective
admissions led to a new method which was first put into
effect in the summer of 1937. Students who ranked among
the highest 300 applicants, scholastically, were called to
the college for physical examinations, speech and language
tests, and personal interviews with three or more of the
faculty. Those considered good material for the teaching
profession, on the basis of this series of examinations and
interviews, were admitted. This system has been generally
successful, and continues in effect at the present time.

Physically, scholastically, and in many other ways, the
freshman class accepted annually by the State College for
Teachers is a superior group—a group that any college
would be proud to admit. More than half of recent enter-
ing classes have been honor students in their high schools.
More than a fifth of them hold the university scholarships
awarded by the state department of education. The lowest
Regents averages accepted in 1940, a typical year, were
86.3 per cent for men and 89.6 for women. More than half
the class had Regents averages higher than 92 per cent. It
must be remembered that persons with exceptional scholar-
ship are not now admitted automatically; they have to pass
the hurdles of a physical examination, speech and language
tests, and personal interviews, as well.

With such a superior student body, it is no wonder that
the intellectual plane of the college is so high. It was not
a surprise to the faculty or the students to learn, that the
college attained an enviable record, in comparison with the
leading colleges of the liberal arts, on the nation-wide
achievement tests under the direction of Dr. Ben Wood of
the American Council on Education. It is not unusual for
an ordinary class of thirty students to have as members
several former high school valedictorians and salutatorians.

Though three new buildings had been erected in 1929, at
a cost of $868,000, the needs of the college continued to

[ 219 }


gtow. Particularly, did the Milne. High School need
increased room, because of its increasing enrollment. In
1934, the president first mentioned to the board of visitors
the need for an addition to the school, to provide additional
space for the department of industrial arts and home eco-
nomics and for the junior high school division in general.
The inclusion of the junior high school years, he explained,
had come about since Milne Hall was erected in 1929. The
required addition was built to Milne Hall in the summer
of 1936, at an expense of $30,000."

Needs for an addition to the college library, and for a
health and recreational center were mentioned in 1937, but
to no avail.“ At this same time, authorities of the City of
Albany offered to sell to the college the plant of the Albany
High School, adjoining the college campus on the west,
and the Albany High School annex, adjoining the campus
on the east. Dr. Brubacher consulted the board of visitors
as to the wisdom of purchasing thirty-five-year old build-
ings; finally the board passed a resolution in behalf of the
purchase. The Regents, however, refused to endorse the
proposed purchase, and Governor Herbert Lehman refused
to include the item in his annual budget, in view of the
condition of the state’s finances.

President Brubacher was not, by any means, enthusiastic
about purchasing these two buildings. He remarked to the
authors that perhaps the Albany High School “would do”,
- if a large quantity of ivy were allowed to grow over its
exterior. When the Fenimore Cooper property, facing the
college campus on Western Avenue, was advertised for sale
in 1938-1939, he turned his attention to it. Though the
property was restricted to first class residence purposes, he
felt that the state could condemn it and remove the restric-
tions. The state could remove the restrictions for its own
use, it appears, whereas the alumni association could not

{ 220 }


have obtained relaxation of the restrictions, when the site
was considered for a dormitory.

It was Dr. Brubacher’s intention to use the Cooper man-
sion as an administration building, health unit and student
union center. The supposed price of the Cooper property
was $37,000 to $50,000. This was cheaper than the esti-
mate on heating and plumbing repairs alone on the Albany
High School building, which would have cost about $99,-
000.*?

The principal motivation for the interest in expansion of
the college in 1939 was the imminence of the proposed ‘“‘five
year plan” which had been adopted by the Board of Regents.
According to this plan, a prospective teacher in the secon-
dary schools of the state would need to spend five years,
beyond high school graduation, in order to be certified to
teach the academic subjects. Since the State College’s sole
objective was the preparation of secondary school teachers
and administrators, this new plan would, of necessity,
require the extension of the curriculum one year. It was
apparently, at that time, not thought feasible to reduce the
number of entering freshmen by one-fifth. The only other
alternative was to extend the facilities of the college through
the acquisition of more property, to provide more class-

rooms, or to release rooms used in Draper Hall, the adminis- ~

tration building, for classroom purposes. No final steps to
solve this problem, or to acquire property, were made before
Dr. Brubacher’s sudden death in August, 1939.

Whether defined in traditional or progressive terms, it is
the curriculum of an institution that provides the common
meeting ground for the minds of the students and faculty.
Consequently, no chronicle of new buildings, or raised
standards of admission or of accolades of recognition from
accrediting associations can give a complete history of the
college if it ignores the changes in the curriculum.

{ 221}


The curricula of the eatly Normal School and of the
Normal College have already been summarized. Emphasis

to themselves, and enthusiasm for which they were success-
ful in Conveying to students, The coutses in American folk
literature and in Scottish literature, taught by Dr. Harold
W. Thompson, would sefve as good examples. Part of the

several other, factors partly explain the §teat expansion in
subjects listed in the catalogs for the yeats from 1915 to


Though many courses were added to the curriculum, few
were dropped. The most notable examples were the elimi-
nation of courses in industrial education, in home economics
and in philosophy. The industrial arts work was dropped
in 1920, because it had “failed to justify itself on the basis
of per student-hour cost’’, in view of the fact that the regis-
tration in that department was “‘distressingly small”. There
was then little or no demand for persons with four years
of training beyond high school graduation, in this field.
Upon the recommendation of the president, the trustees
voted to abolish the department. With the exception of
some equipment that could be used in the mechanics labora-
tory of the physics department, the machinery was trans-
ferred to the Buffalo State Normal School.“

Destined to follow it in little more than a decade was
the work in home economics. This, too, was an expensive
department, and was discontinued in 1930-31. The work
in philosophy was discontinued, during the depression of
the 1930’s, no one being appointed to that chair following
the retirement of Dr. G. A. S. Painter in 1935.

The increasing need for school librarians led, in 1921,
to the establishment of a department of librarianship. For
a time, the work was carried in cooperation with the New
York State Library School, the State College students having
access to the equipment of the latter institution which fur-
nished a laboratory “of rare efficiency”. First offered on
the undergraduate level, these librarianship courses were
soon expanded and offered only to persons presenting four
years of college education as a prerequisite.”

When the work of the New York State Library School
in Albany was discontinued in 1926, the Regents authorized
the State College to organize courses to prepare high school
librarians, and transferred to the college two of the faculty
members of the state library school, and a portion of the
budget of the school. Miss Martha C. Pritchard was placed

{ 223 ]


in charge of the department.” This was said to be the first
library school in the United States to train high school
librarians exclusively.”

Throughout the years, a perplexing question existed as
to the balance to be struck between the so-called liberal arts
courses and the so-called professional requirements. The
question was discussed at numerous times, within the fac-
ulty, before the trustees, and with the officers of the state
education department. The typical pattern of required
undergraduate courses in education, for many years, con-
sisted of general and educational psychology, history of
education, principles of education, two methods courses and
practice teaching—a total of 20 semester hours. This left
104 semester hours to fulfill the college’s prescribed subjects,
a major and a minor and still allow room for electives.

In 1935, the college’s department of education embarked
upon a decided innovation to meet the state certification
requirements in education. Separate courses in educational
psychology, history and principles of education were aban-
doned and a new course entitled “Psychology and Educa-
tion” was built around a list of habits, skills and information
needed by a beginning teacher. Leadership in this innova-
tion, which attracted much favorable attention, was con-
tributed by Dr. John M. Sayles, the chairman of the depart-
ment. The scope of the course was wide, with the work
of two full years (three hours each semester in the sopho-
more year and two hours each semester in the junior year)
centered around such units as a survey of teaching as a
profession, understanding child nature, the laws of learning,
development of the secondary school, guidance and person-
nel aspects of teaching, extra-class activities, classroom
management, school law, the curriculum, and current edu-
cational issues.”

Some of the other significant curricular developments in
the latter years of Dr. Brubacher’s presidency included the

{ 224}

ee ele

institution of a course in types of Greek literature, in trans-
lation, taught by Dr. Edith O. Wallace; expansion of the
work in the commercial subjects under the direction of the
head of that department, Professor George M. York; sev-
eral courses in mental measurement and testing by Dr. Earl
B. South; courses in guidance by Dr. J. Allan Hicks; general
science by Dr. Carleton E. Power; social studies by Dr.
Donnal V. Smith, and speech training by Miss Agnes E.
Futterer and William Hardy.

Other developments in the period from 1915 to 1939 that
can not be given extended treatment in this chapter include
the following: the establishment of a department of
hygiene under Federal aid in 1919; the decision that the
college was empowered to hold funds for scholarships, stu-
dent loans, etc; installation of murals in the Hawley Library
under WPA auspices in 1935-1939; a grant to the college by
the Laura Spellman Rockefeller Foundation for the develop-
ment of a project in child study; a grant to the college
library by the Carnegie Foundation; establishment of a
junior division in the Milne High School; the adoption by
the college of an “emergency college” during the depres-
sion of the 1930's, to provide education for youths who
otherwise could not afford it, and to provide an income for
unemployed teachers; the institution of a series of round-
table meetings for school administrators and teachers in
the Capital District; inauguration, in 1917, of a freshman
advisory system; celebration of the college’s seventy-fifth
anniversary in 1917; establishment of the teachers’ appoint-
ment bureau; the building of a fund to purchase an athletic
field; inauguration of an infirmary plan by the student
association, and the reorganization of the board of trustees
into a board of visitors, more power and authority passing
to the state education department.

Four of the presidents of the college, in its hundred years
of history, were well known for their professional writings.

{ 225}


Page’s book on Theory and Practice of Teaching went
through many editions. Both Perkins and Milne were well
known for their textbooks in mathematics. Dr. Brubacher
upheld this tradition by the books he wrote. These included
High School English, High School Composition and Gram-
mar and Teaching: Profession and Practice.

Though eligible for retirement, Dr. Brubacher chose to
remain in the presidency of the college. He looked forward
to the centennial in 1944, and had already outlined certain
plans for its effective observance. As early as 1937, he
reported to the board of visitors that “preparations for an
adequate and dignified celebration of this event would
require a number of years of effort.” He felt that prelimi-
nary plans should be made at once, and submitted several
proposals, such as the collection of faculty group pictures
and textbooks used at the institution, a display of textbooks
written by the faculty members, and the writing of a history
of the college. He asked Miss Mary E. Cobb and the library
staff to collect assorted memorabilia, and to the present
authors he assigned the responsibility for preparing the
official history of the institution. While it was still early,
“one had to be thinking about these matters long in ad-
vance’’.**

Dr. Brubacher was, in many ways, the prototype of the
better college president—courteous, sympathetic, kindly,
generous-minded, cultured, dignified and yet human. He
will be remembered for many years for his sympathetic
understanding and cogent counsel by hundreds of State
‘College alumni.

As much as one man can, in a quarter century, he stamped
iis impress deeply upon the State College for Teachers. In
many ways, the institution is, and long will be, the length-
ened shadow of the man. He found it an ordinary teachers
college with still its normal school traditions and outlook;

{ 226 }


he molded it into a strong liberal arts college and into one
of the preeminent professional schools in the nation.

Dr. Brubacher died at the close of the summer session in
August, 1939. When college resumed in September, 1939,
the State College News commented in an editorial: ™

The twenty-five years of service he devoted to the college brought
crowning achievement and success both to the man and the institution.
Now that service is ended; and the loss that has come with it is beyond
measure.

Dr. Brubacher was known to us both as a great man and a liberal
educator. At every contact, he was helpful, friendly and understand-
ing. His attitude toward the student was to aid him in the fullest
development of thought and personality; he inspired study of the
social scene and training for democratic citizenship. Witness, for
example, the democratic form of government under which our student
association assemblies are conducted today... .

One who has stood as the guiding light for thousands of young
men and women on the threshold of a great profession has now passed
on. Their thought and actions carry on to do him honor. So, too,
does a worthy institution.

{ 227}



CHAPTER VI

The Sayles Presidency:
Completing the Century, 1939-1944

{ 229 }



CHAPTER VI

_ The Sayles Presidency:
Completing the Century, 1939-1944

Within a few days after the death of President Brubacher
in 1939, the local board of visitors of the State College met
and named Professor John Manville Sayles acting president.

Dr. Sayles was born at Mexico, New York, June 17, 1877.
He received the A.B. degree from Colgate University in
1900, and the Pd.B. degree from the Normal College in
1902. His teaching career began in the same year, when
he was appointed principal of the high school at Richmond-
ville, New York. After a short time as principal of the high
school at Glens Falls in 1905, he was called back to the
Normal College as principal of the Model School, known
since 1907 as the Milne High School. Although his first
appointment was an interim one, during the leave of absence
of the former principal, he was soon appointed to the posi-
tion permanently.

Dr. Sayles remained principal of the model school from
1905 to 1939, when he was appointed acting president of
the College. From 1920 to 1939, he was also director of
teacher training and head of the department of education.
In 1937, Colgate University conferred upon him the degree
of doctor of pedagogy.

The question of Dr. Sayles’ status as acting president of
the College arose from time to time during the first fey
years of his presidency. The College newspaper reporte:
in September, 1940: *

Dr. John M. Sayles will continue as acting president of the College
until such time as the Board of Regents can name a successor to the
late Dr. Brubacher, according to a statement made Wednesday by

- Mr. Newton B. Vanderzee.

{ 231 }

er a india il


The next month, the same journal reported Mr. Vander-
zee, the president of the Board of Visitors, as saying: *

State College must wait at least until April for an announcement of
its new president. Dr. John M. Sayles will continue as Acting Presi-
dent until that time.

The same article pointed out that the delay in appointing
a permanent president “must await legislative action to be
introduced in the 1941 session.” It was reported that the
Regents had discussed candidates for the position but that
no action had been taken. It then quoted Robert Whalen,
a member of the Board of Visitors, as saying that no legal
disqualification existed to the consideration of individuals
already on the college faculty for the presidency. This
statement was taken to indicate that there was no legal basis
for the reputed custom of the Regents in refusing to appoint
a member of the faculty of a state college to the presidency
of the same institution.

In May, 1941, the State College News quoted Judge Van-
derzee as saying that the appointment of a president “might
be forthcoming on June 16, Commencement Day’’ but that
no recommendation had yet been made to the Regents by
the Board of Visitors.*

When college opened in the fall of 1941, the following
item appeared: *

At its last meeting, the Board of Visitors decided to consider the
presidency of the New York State College for Teachers a closed
matter. As a result, Dr. John M. Sayles may be considered the Presi-
dent of State College until further notice. . . .

' Mr. Vanderzee said: “Dr. Sayles is as much president of State Col-
lege as he will ever be.” He stated that Dr. Sayles was to enjoy all the
privileges of the presidency and that the Board would consider no

one else for the time being . . . the matter was considered closed and
Dr. Sayles has been advised to stop mis-naming himself as acting
president.

Two years, then, after he had been appointed acting
president, Dr. Sayles was recognized as president of the
College. This acting status, which might have constituted
an embarrassing situation to many an incumbent, Dr. Sayles

{ 232}


handled with finesse, tact and consummate skill. Much
credit is, of course, due to his colleagues on the faculty who
looked upon him as president with full power from the
autumn of 1939.

It is given to few men, particularly in the field of educa-
tion, to make so great and so long a contribution to one
institution as Dr. Sayles has made to the State College.
Becoming principal of the institution which grew into the
Milne High School when it was still a small, struggling
unit with few of its traditions yet born, he molded and
developed it for thirty-five years. Since the High School
is an integral part of the college, and because of his responsi-
bility as a professor of education as well, his influence early
reached over into the whole college. The centennial year
of 1944-1945 will mark Dr. Sayles’ fortieth year as a mem-
ber of the faculty.

In that time, he has exercised great influence. Perhaps
the least tangible yet most important of his work has been
his sound emphasis upon the role of the teacher in maintain-
ing a happy school, where students may freely and gladly
learn and grow in stature: intellectual, civicand moral. His
example and his teachings in this respect have exerted an
incalculable influence upon the teaching in the high schools
of the state. Literally thousands of graduates of the college
have come into contact with him, through the lectures he
used to give on Monday afternoons in the principles of edu-
cation, through having him drop in casually when they
were doing their practice teaching in the Milne High School,
and through observation and teaching in the well-organized
and efficiently run school of which he was the principal.
When the detailed history of the Milne School is written,
a large part of that chronicle will center around the person-
ality of John M. Sayles.

More tangible are Dr. Sayles’ contributions to the other
aspects of the College. It would take more space than the

{ 233}

| a BEES Sy Me


authors have allowed to set these forth in detail. Only the
more significant contributions will be treated here.

Foremost among his contributions is the erection of the
two fine residence halls that stand today in concrete testi-
mony of the vision and labor of Dr. Sayles and Miss Anna
E. Pierce, for many years dean of women. ‘These halls are
fittingly named Sayles Hall and Pierce Hall. The story ot
Pierce Hall has already been told in the chapter dealing with
Dr. Brubacher’s presidency. No sooner had Pierce Hall
been completed, than Dr. Sayles began to plan for a similar
residence hall for the men students in the College. It was
his feeling that the men who were to go out as teachers in
the high schools of the state needed as adequate, as com-
fortable and as gracious living quarters in their student days
as did the women students. Always a man of meticulous
and gentlemanly taste, he saw how much a well organized
residence hall could do to cultivate the finer sensibilities of
the men in the College. Regarding education as much the
formation of character and civic responsibility as the mastery
of information, and believing in teaching by examples, he
saw the need for improved living quarters for the men.

Since the men graduates of the college had contributed
liberally to the erection of Pierce Hall, Dr. Sayles promised
that the next venture would be a comparable college home
for the men students. Accordingly, in 1939, plans were
laid for the construction of the men’s hall.

Ground was broken in the autumn of 1940, and the hall
was opened to men students in September, 1941. The build-
ing, comparable in exterior architecture to the women’s
residence hall, was adapted to the taste of men throughout.
Whereas the women’s hall was decorated in the colonial
manner, the men’s hall was furnished in English style.

The cost of the structure was $267,556. It was designed
to provide rooms for 134 men, in addition to the usual com-
mon rooms, a gymnasium, a library and a suite for the house

‘director. 234)


Perhaps the second greatest contribution of Dr. Sayles to
the College was his collaboration with Dean Nelson and
the faculty in the rebuilding of the curriculum. The revi-
sion of the curriculum in the department of education,
begun in 1933, has been described. This was largely the
fruit of long, hatd work on the part of the education staff,
ably chairmaned by Dr. Sayles. Numerous meetings wete
held in his office throughout the late afternoon and fre-
quently well into the dinner hour. When particular pro-
fessors became too contentious, it was he who poured oil
on the troubled waters, his eyes sparkling and twinkling as
he did it.

The Regents of the University of the State of New York
voted that beginning on January 1, 1943, a candidate for
a certificate to teach an academic subject in a high school
in New York must have completed an approved four year
curriculum leading to the baccalaureate degree and, in
addition, thirty semester hours in approved advanced
courses. Two principal reasons seem to have motivated
this action. First, the age of college graduates has steadily
declined during the last two decades with the result that
many of these candidates began teaching in high schools
before they had achieved sufficient maturity. It was felt
that the requirement of one additional year of preparation
would aid materially in widening the age-gap between
high school students and their beginning teachers, with the
result that many social problems would be eased and more
mature judgments exercised.

The second reason was to assure more advanced prepara-
tion in the subjects one chose to teach. The fifth year of
preparation requires a minimum of thirty semester hours of
approved graduate courses, the approval resting in the hands
of the state department of education. Since approval is
concerned with all the work of the fifth year, it is expected
that the certifying authorities will be able to see to it that

{ 235}


this year neither over-emphasizes nor under-emphasizes
professional preparation in education.”

Because of its earlier experience in the revision of its

curriculum in education, the State College, under the lead-
ership of President Sayles and Dean Nelson, encountered:
no serious difficulty in adjusting its program to meet the
new requirements of the Regents. The plan adopted is
known as the “Five Year Plan.” As described by Dr. Nel-

son, it

is predicated upon the assumption that subject-matter (content) and
the methods of instruction (education) are inseparable and that any
attempt to bring about a separation is not only illogical but is con-
ducive to inferior teaching results. This idea of a teacher-training
curriculum that insists upon integration of method and content is
being generally accepted as the most desirable type of five-year pro-

ram. The actual organization of curricula varies with institutions
and undoubtedly should so vary because it is probable that no one best
method exists. As a result of these variations in the organization of
college curricula, some institutions begin to introduce professional
materials early in the undergraduate years. This enables the prospec-
tive high school teacher to attain unity of method and content and
to secure an understanding of the basic materials of each during the
baccalaureate years. This “United Curriculum” begun in the under-
graduate years continues into the fifth year without break and results
in both content and professional education being extended over a
period of several years. During these years the students have oppor-
tunities to develop gradually professional attitudes, to become ac-
quainted with subject matter, to learn to understand children, and to
realize that teaching utilizes content information as a vehicle to be used
to carry boys and girls into adulthood.

A “Unified Curriculum” makes possible true graduate study during
the fifth year because elementary phases of both subject matter and
of professional material have been completed as a part of the
requirements established for the baccalaureate degree. At the same
time a proper ratio may be maintained between the amounts of pro-
fessional and content work completed and too great an emphasis on
either one may be prevented. Some persons fear that a “Unified Cur-
riculum” will mean undue professionalization which will result in a
dilution of the traditional arts college course. Such is not necessarily
the case and if it does occur is due to the desires of a particular col-
lege or university faculty. Under the four-year plan a minimum of
120 semester hours were required for certification to teach in high
school of which 18 semester hours had to be completed in certain
professional courses, leaving a maximum of 102 semester hours for
content studies. Under the five-year plan a minimum of 150 semester
hours are required for certification to teach in high school of which
a minimum of 18 semester hours must be completed in certain pro-

{ 236 }


~ fessional courses, leaving 132 semester hours for content studies. Cer-
tainly the five-year plan makes possible the attainment of mastery of
both subject matter and professional competence if college faculties
so desire.

Entrance requirements were liberalized in 1943. In the
place of a rather rigidly prescribed pattern, “no exact pat-
tern of subject preparation is demanded for admission as
a candidate for the degree of bachelor of arts, except that
English 4 years must be completed satisfactorily by all
applicants.” It was provided, however, that the remaining
twelve units must, in the main, be made up of foreign lan-
guage, mathematics, science or the social studies. “An
applicant’s high school record must indicate intellectual
accomplishment and he must be highly recommended by
his high school authorities.’ °

Dr. Sayles devoted considerable attention to the improve-
ment of the buildings and the campus of the college. A
landscaping program was inaugurated, with the result that
many fine ornamental shrubs and trees now add to the beauty
of the campus. Old wooden floors in Draper and Husted
halls have been replaced with modern terrazine, the cafe-
teria has been completely renovated and modernized, and
the science laboratories have been completely overhauled.
The scientific equipment, which had received very little
attention in the last twenty-five years, was considerably
augmented.

It was under Dr. Sayles’ inspiration and supervision that
a notable series of original murals, portraying the history
of the Capital District, was installed in the library of the
Milne High School. Money for the murals was raised by the
high school students, beginning in 1932 and continuing to
the present. Executed by David C. Lithgow, an Albany
artist, the murals depict the Mohican Indians, the coming
of the Half Moon, Albany as a trading post, an incident
in the anti-rent riots, granting of the Dongan charter to
the city of ‘Albany, the courtship of Alexander Hamilton

{ 237]


and Betty Schuyler, a riot protesting ratification of the
United States Constitution, and the coming of the Cler-
mont.

A continuation of the reconstruction ptogram of the
college is planned for the post-war period. The Regents
have approved the request made by Dr. Sayles for a new
commercial education building to cost $400,000 and equip-
ment to cost $75,000. The plans call for fifteen classrooms,
twelve offices, an assembly room, a typewriting room, a
store for distributive education, and a reception room.

Three other new buildings are included in the college’s
Post-war plans. These include an addition to the present
library, to cost $300,000, with equipment; a gymnasium and
health building, to cost $500,000, with site and equipment;
and an administration building to cost $120,000, with equip-
ment.

In addition to these capital investments, Dr. Sayles has
recommended the construction of two more residence halls
on a self-liquidating basis.”

The post-war plan also provides for the use of Farrell
Hall, presented to the Benevolent Association by Mrs.
James C. Farrell, as a student union building. At present,
this magnificent house is used as a women’s dormitory, and
its greenhouse is used for plant study by the department of
biology.

The experience of the College in World War II is largely
a repetition, on a larger scale, of the experience during the
first World War. Several faculty were released for mem-
bership in the armed forces or for other government work;
the number of students declined; the number of men ~
enrolled became very small; and the College could no longer
meet the demands made upon it by the public schools of
the state for teachers.

In 1942, Dean Nelson reported that “the world upheaval
has caused the New York State College for Teachers, in

[ 238 }


ith its sister institutions, to experience a serious
reduction in its number of applicants.” To obtain enough
candidates for teaching, it was necessary to admit persons
_ who, in former years, would not have met the high entrance
standards of the College. As Dean Nelson said, the College
experienced “a drastic lowering in high school accomplish-
ment on the part of the Class of 1946.” Still, however, all
persons admitted had Regents’ averages of 80 per cent, of
_ better. “How much lower it will be necessary to go in

order for the College to secure the students it needs, the 7

future alone can tell,’ the Dean reported. For the dura-
tion, he declared, the College would “consist chiefly of
women students.” ®

Graduate work had practically disappeared trom the
college program in 1942, only 41 advanced students being
registered, in contrast with the 184 in residence in the late
1930's.

In the placement of teachers, Paul Bulger, the director
of placement, reported that “we have gone from a ‘large
supply—small demand’ situation to a ‘small supply—large
demand.’” Early in the spring of 1942, the supply of
teaching candidates had been exhausted. While some grad-
uates were tempted into other fields by higher salaries, “the
majority of our people have gone into teaching because
they want to teach. The idea of service rather than material
_ gain has appealed to many,” Mr. Bulger reported.”

Despite the handicap of a major war, the State College

for Teachers is advancing both in a material way and in its
academic program. Given a continuation of constructive
leadership and the continued support of the State for which
it has done so much in its hundred years of service, the
authors prophesy that its second century will be as noble
and as far-reaching in its influence as the first hundred years.
This is an institution which has contributed much to the
youth of the state. It deserves well from the people of the
_ state.

{ 239}



|

CHAPTER VII
The Influence of the College

{ 241 }



| CHAPTER VI
7 ee The Influence of the College

Ha In its first hundred years, the State Normal School, State

Normal College and State College for Teachers has exerted

a wide and deep influence upon the life of New York and ;

the whole American nation. To establish clearly the scope mn

and depth of this influence would require research into |

literally thousands of lives and thousands of communities. |

Such an undertaking is far too comprehensive for the pres- |

ent authors to undertake at the present time; it is hoped,

however, that the materials we have selected will serve to

portray, at least to some extent, the influence of the college, _

both in representative individual lives and in the develop- |

ment of American education. |
The influence of the College may be classified roughly |

into three principal categories; first, the impetus given to es |

school improvement in New York; secondly, the modifica-

tion of education in other states, both through the direct

example of the institution and through the contributions

of its graduates; thirdly, through the mark that the College

has made upon the lives of individuals, affording to many

an opportunity for a higher education (with consequently

enhanced social and economic status)—an opportunity not

often otherwise available in New York.

; The direct influence of the early Normal School upon

a the schools of New York can be stated with apodictic cer-

tainty. Throughout the reports of the district commissioners

of education in the 1850’s and 1860's, one finds numerous

references to the leaven supplied to the rural school teachers

of the state by this pioneering institution. The frequency

with which its early graduates participated as leaders in

the establishment of teachers’ institutes, teachers’ associa-

{ 243] :

RE eat Res die ee

naalbnes- Abbots

wan i rns

4
rf
4
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4


tions and other agencies for the improvement of teachers
and teaching is manifest. Victor M. Rice, the superin-
tendent of public instruction in 1856, testified that the
Normal School

has been, and is fulfilling a mission of usefulness, though perhaps
not always appreciated, in every county and town in the State.

It has created among the people a more exalted ideal of the proper
qualifications of the teacher. Its pupils have gone forth from its
halls, in full consciousness of their responsible duties, and with a com-
paratively clear understanding of the means requisite to their faithful
performance. They have coooperated with others who are eminent
as educators in establishing teachers’ associations and institutes, by
which their own knowledge and skill have been diffused generally
among the members of their profession ... their influence in
encouraging the establishment of a higher and better grade of common

schools is a matter of general notoriety (sic!) among those who have |

watched with solicitude the educational interests of the state.

The subsequent record of its graduates warrants the state-
ment that Mr. Rice’s remarks are as true today as they were
in 1856. In the movement for the centralization of rural
schools, within recent decades, graduates of the College
have frequently assumed positions of leadership. In the
introduction of new methods, new courses and higher
standards of teaching, they have led the way. In the coun-
cils of superintendents and principals, they have frequently
been heard. The pages of the professional journals, such
as New York State Education, have often carried their arti-
cles. In local school systems, village and city alike, they
have formed a nucleus of well prepared professional leader-
ship. One has only to read the programs of the various
zone meetings of the State Teachers Association and of such
an organization as the Associated Academic Principals, to
find the evidences of leadership in the profession. Gradu-
ates of the College in the state education department have,
over a span of years, greatly influenced the current of edu-
cational thought and procedure. Two present examples are
Dr. Edwin R. Van Kleeck, ’27, and Dr. Francis E. Griffin
'28. Not infrequently, the graduates have returned to the

[ 244]


faculty of the College to help prepare other generations of
teachers for the schools of the state. This line began with
William F. Phelps, ’45, and has continued to the present
time when thirty-seven of the recipients of: baccalaureate ot
advanced degrees are listed on the faculty roll.

One graduate, Mary A. Fillmore, 49, was “lady of the
White House” during the presidential term of her father,
Millard A. Fillmore.’

While there have been alumni of the College who tose
to the heights of leadership in education, it appears that the
greatest contribution of her graduates has been in the more
humble, more quiet, more serene places of local and less
spectacular influence. “Many are called but few are chosen”
to careers of national or even state-wide importance. If the
authors seem to dwell upon a few of the more famous
alumni, they would have it clearly understood that they, at
least, have not forgotten the labors and inspirations of men
and women in more modest circumstances who, too, have
been a part of the pageant of American educational pro-
gress.

Though the name of Reuben R. Stetson, a member of the
first graduating class, does not figure in any American edu-
cational history, one can not doubt that he vitally affected
many lives beneficially in his five years of teaching. It was
he who declared in the valedictory poem”

Ours is a holy mission, that demands

The noblest exaltation of the mind—

A heart most deeply taught in wisdom’s ways—
Conscience without offense to God and man—
A soul imbued with love to all our race—

Ay, more than this, an ardent love of truth,
With power to search it out, and make it clear
As noonday sun to even dullest minds.

That child is like a harp of thousand strings,
Which vibrates to the slightest touch, and yields
The sweetest music when a master’s hand

Sweeps o’er the sounding chords, attuning all

To richest harmony, and sending forth

Its deep-toned notes; charms, ravishes the soul ;—

{ 245}


s

It is the Teacher’s task to train the child, ©

To feed his hungry soul with knowledge pure,
Expand his reason, and correct his faults—

For all of human kind have faults—and raise

His thoughts from self, and sense, and low desires,
And show him what it is to be a MAN.

Not for the present only do you work,
For generations yet unborn shall feel
The weight of your impress upon plastic mind.

With these high sentiments of the teacher’s calling,
inspired as they undoubtedly were by David Perkins Page,
it is no wonder that Stetson won himself so warm a place in
the hearts of the citizens of Syracuse that “such was the
esteem in which he was held that all the schools were closed
on the day of his funeral.” * :

Since its opening in 1844, the New York State College for
Teachers has exerted a wide influence in the field of educa-
tion, both in New York and in other states. Its hundred
years of history have clearly demonstrated that the high
hopes held for the success of the new venture, by its foun-
ders and early protagonists, have been richly and bountifully
fulfilled.

Speaking before the National Education Association in
1876, Edward Brooks, principal of the State Normal School
at Millersburg, Pennsylvania, and president of the Normal
Department of the Association, declared that: °

This school, more than any other in the country, became a center
of normal influence which has pervaded every part of the United
States; and I believe that if the true history of the establishment ‘of
Normal Schools in this country could be written, it would be seen
that the influence of the school at Albany, during its first four years,
has had more to do directly and indirectly, with the organization
and methods of instruction of other similar institutions than all other
schools combined.

This great influence Brooks attributed to “the rare
genius and inspirational power of David P. Page, the ablest
Normal School principal that this country has produced
- . . peerless and above among the many excellent men”
who had held similar positions throughout the nation,

[ 246}


8. et
7 vom

Ne

The influence of the Normal School and of the State Col-

lege has been exerted chiefly in two ways—from the exam-

ple that the institution set to those who chose to adopt its
procedures and methods in the establishment of kindred
institutions in New York and the other states, and through
the thousands of teachers it has sent out into the field of
education.

There can be no question but that the success of the
Albany institution attracted the attention of men in other
states, just as the success of the earlier normal schools in
Massachusetts served as a focal point in the educational
reorientation of teacher education in New York. Bridge-

water, Massachusetts, prides itself on the title ‘mother of

normal schools,” and justly so; but a study of the records
of Albany graduates will show that Albany, too, served as
mother of a great many more. Since the local histories of
many American teachers colleges have not yet been pub-
lished it would be impossible to gather exact data on the
number that were influenced by Albany, short of detailed
historical research in hundreds of communities. Fortu-
nately, however, several examples of the influence of the
State Normal School at Albany in the leadership of other
normal schools have been uncovered. Graduates of the
College have been principals or presidents of teacher edu-

cation institutions in New York, New Jersey and several

western states; including Nebraska, Minnesota, Wisconsin,
California, Missouri and Illinois. Others became college
presidents, college and university teachers, and founders of
“select schools.” Hundreds taught in high schools in many
states, conducted teachers’ institutes and worked in teach-
ers’ reading circles. Delia A. Lathrop, 57, first suggested
reading circles in Ohio, and was for many years president
of the Board of Control of the Ohio Teachers’ Reading
Circle, which was organized in 1883. She taught at Ohio

Wesleyan University for more than sixteen years.© Most of

{ 247]

——


the graduates taught in common schools in New York and
in other states, but many of them were swept up in the great
westward migration of the American people, and carried
Normal School influence throughout the west. John F.
Hammond, ’49, was killed by Indians when his wagon train
was destroyed somewhere in the West.’ Two of the gradu-
ates taught in Brigham Young’s Mormon settlement at Salt
Lake City. Elizabeth Miller, 50, was sent to Oregon, via
Panama, in 1851, by the National Board of Popular Educa-
tion, sponsored by former Governor Slade of Vermont. She
was “one of the pioneers in early educational works in
Oregon.” ®

William Franklin Phelps, who was graduated in 1845
pointed out that

Many of the graduates of that and subsequent periods have occu-
pied and are still honoring some of the most important and respon-
sible positions in other and distant states, and have helped to shape
the school systems which will mould the character and destinies of
generations yet unborn.®

In point of time and perhaps of importance as well, the
name of William Franklin Phelps heads the list. Recent his-
torical research by Donald David Michelson of the George
Peabody College for Teachers has served to show the impor-
tance of Phelps’ contribution to the American teacher edu-
cation movement.”

As already stated, Phelps entered the Normal School on
its opening day, December 18, 1844, and was graduated in
the first class, August 27, 1845. While still a student, he
served as “permanent teacher” in the experimental school.
In this position he continued until 1852. For a time he was
assistant editor of the District School Journal, founded by
Francis Dwight, a member of the original executive com-
mittee. In 1849, he was one of the three organizers of the
“Association of Graduates,” or general alumni association.
In 1851, he was awarded the degree of master of arts

{ 248 }


honoris causa by Union College. In 1855, he became the
first principal of the State Normal School at Trenton, New
Jersey, which he organized along the lines of the Albany
institution. While principal at Trenton, he introduced
Pestalozzianism through persuading Herman Krusi, Jr., the
son of Pestalozzi’s colleague and biographer, to join his
staff. He sponsored a program of physical education, secur-
ing the services of J. G. Lindgren, the Swedish gymnast.
He added agriculture and related subjects to the curriculum.
He headed the committee of noted educators which evalu-
ated the work of Edward Austin Sheldon and the “Oswego
Movement” in elementary education. He apparently sent
out one of the first questionnaires in the history of educa-
tional research, asking the opinion of statesmen, educators
and laymen as to the value of normal schools.

Phelps became principal of the State Normal School at
Winona, Minnesota, in 1864, and piloted it through a
particularly trying period in its history. He planned the
new building for this school, revised the curriculum and
initiated steps in the direction of preparing high school
teachers, at a time when the liberal arts colleges thought this
was their exclusive prerogative.

At a time when most normal schools were swamped in
the mire of methodology, he held that prospective teachers
needed sound instruction in the liberal studies. He encour-
aged his best students to seek post-graduate instruction at
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and other leading
schools. He encouraged the development of manual arts
and “sloyd” at Winona, being one of the first of American
educators to recognize the values of this type of expression.
Before the St. Louis meeting of the National Education
Association, he defended the function of the model school
in the normal schools of the country.

In 1876, Phelps carried the torch of Page and the New
York State Normal School into a third state, Wisconsin,

{ 249 }

}
j
we


meet

when he accepted the principalship of the State Normal
School at Whitewater. Serving there until 1878, he was
discharged for allegedly arbitrary acts. His chief difficulty
seems to have been friction with a state board controlling
all the normal schools of the state, which insisted upon a
high degree of uniformity among all the normal schools.
The board seems never to have heard of the maxim of
education which Andrew Sloan Draper was soon to expound
so forcefully: “bodies legislate, individuals administer.”

Michelson says:

One who had held a free reign for more than six years in Albany,
nine at Trenton, and tweleve at Minona—time spent as an executive—
could not, ee over night accept with humility the restrictions
of a powerful board of regents. . . . A positive and aggressive man
like Phelps did not fit in such a picture.?2

Following his dismissal from the Whitewater position,
Phelps soon became superintendent of schools at Winona,
from 1879 to 1881, and 1883 to 1885. He was also secre-
tary of the Winona Board of Trade, a Chamber of Com-
merce secretary at Duluth, helped establish the Duluth
State Teachers College, and manifested considerable leader-
ship in the improvement of river and lake transportation,
including the building of the “Soo” Canal.

Phelps wrote widely in the field of teacher education, his
‘most notable works being “David Perkins Page: His Life
and Teachings” (1892), a series of Chautauqua textbooks
on Socrates, Ascham, Horace Mann and others (1878) and
numerous works in educational periodicals. He served as
president of the Association of Normal School Instructors,
American Normal School Association, Minnesota Educa-
tional Association, and the National Education Association.
In 1883, he took part in the reunion of the Albany Normal
School graduates.

It is not too much to say that Phelps did much to carry
the inspiration of David Perkins Page and the fame of the

{ 250]


Albany Normal School into a sphere much wider than
New York. —

D. Franklin Wells, who was graduated in February, 1852,
“was to education in Iowa what D. P. Page was to the State
of New York.” * He was a keen, vigorous young man of
twenty-six, always carefully dressed, dapper, dignified, and
with a luxuriant, glossy, black beard’ when he organized
the first graded school in Iowa in 1853.

In the legislative act creating the State University of
Iowa, passed in 1847, there was a provision that there should
be established a professorship for the training of teachers
for the public schools. The University opened in 1855,
with only two or three departments functioning. In Sep-
tember of that year, the normal department was established
with John Van Valkenburg in charge. The University was
still without a president or any permanent buildings, the
Mechanics Academy being used as the center of instruction.

Mr. Van Valkenburg did not care to remain in the posi-
tion, and Wells was chosen to succeed him. Wells had no
academic degree, so the university trustees conferred upon
him the degree of bachelor of arts. This was the first degree
conferred by the University of Iowa.

Wells continued in charge of the normal department for
ten years, during all of which time he played a very impor-
tant role in the infant university. Dr. F. C. Ensign, to
whom the authors are indebted for preparing a statement
about Wells, surveyed the minutes of the University for its
first decade, and concluded that

Mr. Wells was the most active man on the little faculty. His name
is mentioned frequently, he was chairman of many committees, was
called pe for educational addresses in various parts of the state,
and made of the normal department by far the largest and apparently
the most progressive division of what was known as the collegiate
department. He established a training school, and in 1864 brought
from Oswego a young woman, Miss Roe, who had been trained there
in the Pestalozzian methods.

{ 251]

ili NU


Having served throughout the troublesome years of the
Civil War, Wells apparently incurred the enmity of certain
members of the board of trustees. Without assignment of
any reason, the trustees declared the headship of the normal
department vacant in 1866, and did not fill it for a year.
Though papers in various parts of the state levelled “some
very sharp criticisms” at the trustees, Wells was not rein-
stated.

“Much beloved by those interested in education,” Wells
was made agent of the Iowa State Teachers Association,
and, in a few months, was appointed state superintendent
of public instruction. In the fall of 1868, he was reelected
by popular vote, but died the following year. ;

In the possession of the Wells family is a “beautiful
silver cup” presented to Mr. Wells by his Muscatine School
pupils. It is inscribed “Our Teacher, Pub. School No. 1—
Muscatine, lowa—1856.”’ 2°

With the expansion of the public schools in the early
part of the nineteenth century, the need was apparent for
some agency to serve as a source of supply and distribution
of teachers to these schools. Not infrequently teachers
advertised their services in the newspapers, and school
boards inserted notices of vacancies. Communication was
difficult, and these papers often had only a limited circula-
tion. Out of these conditions, it was only natural that some
enterptising persons should conceive the idea of serving
as a clearing house for educational positions. While an
informal agency had been conducted for a time by DeWitt
Clinton and other friends of the Lancasterian movement,
and agencies had been established in 1835 by Horace Binney
in Philadelphia and in 1846 by Samuel Whitcomb, Jr. in
Boston, the first permanent teachers’ agency in the United
States was established by a graduate of the State Normal
School.

{ 252]


etieedineeeeee

After teaching for a few years, James W. Schermerhorn,
52, founded in 1855 the Schermerhorn Teachers’ Agency,
which continues under the same name at present, in New
York City. This was “undoubtedly the first American teach-
ets’ agency to survive the experimental Sta BC. e

In addition to the agency, Schermerhorn conducted “a
general depot for school materials of all kinds . . . furni-
ture, apparatus, stationery, books . . . everything useful in
the school room.” For a time this enterprise was carried
on in cooperation with the American School Institute of
Philadelphia, but was moved to New York City in 1861.
The business failed in 1877, with a loss of $180,000. This
failure, together with the fact that one of his associates
resigned from the agency and took with her the names of
the clientele, undermined the proprietor’s mental health.
He died of paresis in 1885. The agency was salvaged from
the wreck of the house of Schermerhorn, and was carried
on for some years by Mrs. Schermerhorn and George M.
Kendall, who had been a partner. After passing through
other hands, the agency was purchased in 1906 by C. W.
Mulford, who still continues it under the Schermerhorn
name.**

Schermerhorn was graduated from Rutgers University in
1857, two years after he started the teachers’ agency.

Miss Kate Stoneman, whose home was in Busti, Chau-
tauqua County, was graduated from the Normal School in
1866. ‘The same year, she was appointed to the faculty
as teacher of geography, drawing and penmanship. Appat-
ently she taught more than these subjects for this minute
occurs in the proceedings of the Executive Committee for
1886:

The president was directed on the part of the Executive Committee
to explain to Miss Stoneman that any expression of her views in
regard to Women’s rights and cognate subjects to the students was
contrary to the wishes of the Executive Committee.*®

{ 253]

a som


-

That was the year in which Miss Stoneman was admitted
to the bar, after having secured the passage of a bill granting
women the right to practice law in New York. She was
the first woman lawyer in the state. It seems possible that
she aired her views on the subject too frequently, and to
the discomfiture of the five males on the Executive Com-
mittee.

George L. Farnham was graduated in the fourth class, in
April, 1847. He taught in Watertown and Syracuse, and
became superintendent of schools at Syracuse, Binghamton,
and Council Bluffs, Iowa. From 1883 to 1893, he was
principal of the Nebraska State Normal School at Peru,
serving the longest term in this office in the history of the
school, except for the record of Dr. W. R. Pate, who has
been president since 1923. “Apparently, Farnham was one
of the outstanding presidents of this school.” * In a day
of much mechanical teaching and mechanical learning,
Farnham originated “the sentence method” of reading
which was highly commended by Colonel Francis Parker
and other distinguished educators, though others thought
his methods, “‘speculative and visionary.” Describing Farn-
ham’s methods, the historian of the Peru institution says: *

The teacher using the word method, he (Farnham) said, must
consider the word as the unit and begin to teach the child to separate
it into its component parts or letters, and also teach the child to rec-
ognize the word through its form and component parts. He con-
tended that the work carried on by this method is purely mechanical,
but when the child is given a perfect sentence, there is something in
the mind that cognizes and grasps and is satisfied with. Then the
child mind is ready to formulate another sentence, and another; being
pleased and gratified with its own efforts.

True, the word then comes in for its share of attention, but the
child does not consider it a thing, but only a part of a thing. The
sentence method at once sets the child to sentence making, and study-
ing language from the true point of use. He proved the method from
the standpoint of pedagogy, and also by actually testing its success.
with children. Of course, not all teachers were ready to accept his
ideas on teaching elementary reading, yet they had gotten a new idea,
for no one so far as we know, had ever suggested this method before.

{ 254}


James A. Foshay entered the Normal School in 1875 and
was graduated in June, 1879. After teaching in Putnam
County for two years, he was elected school commissioner
_ of that county, serving two consecutive terms of three years
each. He served two terms as secretary of the New York
State Association of School Commissioners and Superin-
tendents. Moving to California in 1888, he located in
Monrovia and resumed teaching. In 1893, he was ap-
pointed assistant superintendent of the Los Angeles public
schools. Two years later, he was appointed to the superin-
tendency, serving until 1906. During his service in Los
Angeles, he was awarded the degree of master of arts by
the University of Southern California and the degree of
doctor of pedagogy by his Alma Mater. The list of Dr.
Foshay’s civic and fraternal affiliations was long and im-
pressive. His biographer says that his career was “devoted
to the raising of the scholastic profession to still higher
levels of the service to the community . . . his passing was
mourned not only by the members of his immediate family,
but by the entire community which he had served so faith-
fully during the best years of his life.” *

Anna E. Pierce, who was graduated in 1884, was a woman
of charm, dignity and a great warmth of human understand-
ing. Upon her graduation she became “‘preceptress” of the
Lisle Academy, but was soon called back to the Normal
School as secretary and then as a member of the faculty. In
1891, she was appointed principal of the primary depart-
ment of the Model School. From 1909 to 1914, she was
assistant professor of education. In 1914, she became the
first dean of women at the College, and remained in this
position until her retirement in 1933. For nearly twenty
years as dean of women, she was affectionately known to
the students as “Dean Annie”. She was, however, not
merely a dean of women; many of the men students, too,

{ 255 }


»

profited much from her counsel, advice and sympathetic
understanding.

Miss Pierce occupied a leading role among the deans
of women in the country. As author of “Deans and Ad-
visors of Women and Girls” (1928), she wrote a work that
was hailed as a classic by Dr. Frank Pierrepont Graves, the
state commissioner of education.

Miss Pierce was one of the leaders in the movement to
establish residence halls at State College. It was she and
Professor John M. Sayles who were primarily responsible
for the success of the venture to establish such halls. It is,
therefore, only fitting that the women’s residence hall has
been named in her honor. A portrait of Dean Pierce, pre-
sented by the Class of 1927, hangs in this hall.

The contributions of such figures as Dr. John M. Sayles,
Dr. Edward Waterbury and Dr. M. G. Nelson to the devel-
opment of State Collge have already been mentioned.

Edwin R. Van Kleeck is one of the outstanding gradu-
ates of the College in the 1920’s. He was graduated, cum
laude, in 1927 after a distinguished career as editor in chief
of the State College News. After a year as principal of the
junior high school at Plattsburgh, he was elected to the
superintendency at Walden, being the youngest superin-
tendent in the state. He was later superintendent at Nor-
wich and at Grosse Pointe, Michigan, resigning the latter
Position to become assistant commissioner of education for
instructional supervision in the University of the State of
New York.

A great number of the younger men have been successfy]
in superintendencies and ptincipalships throughout the
state. Many of their careers have been temporarily inter-
rupted by the war, but continued leadership is to be expected
from them in the future.

Not the least of the contributions made by the Albany
Normal School and State College has been its generous

[ 256 J


ee

attitude in providing a free education, first of a post-ele-
mentary grade, and then of secondary, and now of under-
graduate and graduate college caliber to thousands of earn-
est young men and women who otherwise would, in many
cases, have been relegated to less useful roles in society.
Many a young man or young woman who aspired to a
professional life found in this institution a free education
which he and his parents would have been unable to put-
chase. For a century now, the doors of the College have
stood open, without tuition barriers, to the ablest young
people of the state. This is particularly important, in view
of the fact that New York is one of the few states that do
hot maintain a great public university. In their positions
of responsibility and service today, thousands look back
with thankful hearts to the College which made it possible
to realize the “American dream” of going as far as one’s
native capacities and ambition would permit.

It is well known among sociologists that one of the first
steps upward in vocational standing, from farming or
laboring to the professions, is achieved by families through
a generation of teachers. The changing names of students
at the State Normal School and State College is an illustra-
tion of this general principle. For the first few decades,
the names on the student rolls were of old stock, English,
Scotch and Dutch families—names which at that time, and
even to the present, are familiar in the agricultural sections
of the state. Among these names were such as Adams,
Baker, Campbell, Clark, Cross, Granger, Hastings, Hance,
Jones, Kingsley, McDowell, Mandeville, Phelps, Pierce,
Root, Salisbury, Stetson, Tuttle, Van Olinda, Webb, and
Whitmore.

While names such as these continued in preponderance
in the next decades, one finds, in increasing numbers, a
reflection of the tides of Irish immigrants who began com-

ing to New York in the 1840’s and 1850’s. Names such as

{ 257]


Caskey, Daley, Donnelly, Donahue, Feeny, McDermott,
McKean, McQuade, McSwezey, Noran and Toohey now
began to appear on the rolls.

Recent decades have reflected the more recent immigra-
_ tion of South Europeans, Poles and Jews. The Class of
1929 contained such names as these: Azzarito, Barone,
Czurles, Dransky, Falkenstein, Gastwirth, Golensky, Kuc-
zynski, Milazzo, Micucci, Sowalsky, as well as names of
persons whose ancestors had probably “come over” earlier:
Andrews, Ashley, Bailey, Bates, Billingham, Black, Brown,
Brownhardt, Campbell, Carr, Conboy, Conklin, Eaton, Fal-
lon, Foy, Graves, Hall, Hart, Herliby, King, McAvoy, Mc-
Caffrey, McGarty, McNickle, Mulqueen, O’Donnell, Pearse,
Ross, Schleich, Smith, Shillinglaw, Van Allen, Van Sickle,
Waite, Watts and Winch.

In the 1930's, a class roll might include names such as
these: Kalaidjian, Kasanik, Lewandrowski, Malinowski,
Mahdesian, Palkovic, Petruska, Pomponio, Pryzborowska,
Talnich, Wirpsza, Wolak, Wolzak, Wukits, Zabriski,
Zaklasnik, Zannieri, Zarch, Zazzara, or Zelnik. There were,
of course, hundreds of names that had longer been heard in
the region where the Mohawk joins the Hudson.

For a hundred years the doors of the College have been
open to the eager young people of the state who have
expressed a desire to teach. From this same college have
gone forth thousands to carry with them, into the remote
sections of New York and the nation the torch lighted by
David Perkins Page—‘the Sainted Page”—in the aban-
doned railway station that cold day, December 18, 1844.
The state will do well by itself and by its citizens yet unborn
to strengthen and to encourage this pioneer institution.

{ 258 }


REFERENCES
CHAPTER I
_ * Channing, William Ellery: Memoirs. III. 244.
_ _ 2Bourne, William O.: History of the Public School Society of the City of New
> Work. sor 56. it
_ %Wines, E. C.: Hints on Popular Education. 68. t
tet i
* Bibid,
© Syracuse Daily Standard. July 4, 1850.
_ ™Mann, Mary (Editor): Life and Works of Horace Mann. II. 95-97.
_ 8Simpson, Stephen: The Working Man’s Manual. 203. :
8 Ibid, 212. |
-10Rantoul, Robert, Jr.: Remarks on Education. 31.
Ibid. 34,
12Report of the U. S. Commissioner of Education. 1867-1868. 327.
18 Dobbs, A. E.: Education and Social Movements. 113. {
14 Ohio School Journal, 1845.
15 Mann, Mary: op. cit. IV. 252-260.
= 8 ibid, TV. 131.
_ 17Mangun, V. L.: The American Normal School. 116.
__ 18Mann, Mary: op. cit. V. 219. (This statement was made in 1846, but it
is characteristic of Mann’s attitude in the -earlier period.)
19 Carlton, F. T.: Economic Influences upon Educational Progress in the
_ United States, 1820-1850. 53-54.
_ 20Summarized from individual reports in the Annual Report of the Superin-
tendent of Common Schools, 1843.
~ 21 Assembly Documents, 1844. V. 35.
22Tbid. 1843. I. 230.
23 Assembly Documents, 1845. 73-75.
24 Ibid. 1845. 295.
25 bid. 1845. 194.
26 Potter, Alonzo and Emerson, George B.: The School and the Schoolmaster.
169.
27 Phelps, William F.: David P. Page: His Life and Teachings. 30-31.
28 Lincoln, Charles Z.: Messages from the Governors. III. 116.
29 [bid. Ill. 296:
380 Jbid. Ill. 454-457.
81 Laws of New York. 1834. ch. 241. 425-426.
82 Ninth Annual Report of Free School Society.
83 Fitzpatrick, Edward A.: Educational Views and Influence of DeWitt Clinton. |
149.
- 84 Bourne: op. cit. 646. :
85 Ibid. 647-648. |
86 Minutes of the Regents. II. 261-262.
87 Annual Report of the Regents, 1828. Senate Journal, 1828. Appendix B.
88 Minutes of the Regents. III. 251. i
89 Assembly Journal. 1828. Part I. 493-494. ie
: 40 Legislative Documents. 1830. no. 387.
_ 41 Minutes of the Regents. III. 359-369.
42 Ibid.
43 [bid.
44 Minutes of the Regents. III. 370-373. (The complete list of subjects
studied at the St. Lawrence Academy was given as common arithmetic, English
grammar, geography, Latin, Greek, algebra, bookkeeping, chemistry, natural philoso- -
phy, surveying, astronomy, history, rhetoric, history of the United States, moral
philosophy, French, music, vegetable philosophy (sic!), mapping, drawing, paint- ie
ing, physical geography.) ; #
{ 259 ] -


#5 It should be noted that the Regents commended this plan upon the basis of
the written report submitted by the academy trustees, not after a personal visitation.
The policy of visitation had been abandoned by this time, due to the large number
of institutions under Regents’ charge.

46 As a matter of fact, the largest number of prospective teachers qualified in any
one year during the designated academy system was 681, in 1842-43. Gordy, Rise
and Growth of the Normal School Idea in the United States, 39, note.

47 Minutes of the Regents. III. 359.

48 Senate Journal. 1826. 156-159.

49 Minutes of the Regents. III. 404—405.

50 Tbid. IV. 18.

51 Ibid. IV. 45-48.

52 Ibid. IV. 155-157.

58 Ibid. IV. 330-331.

54 Laws of New York, 1838. ch. 237. 220-222.

55 Quoted in Finegan, Thomas E.: Teacher Training Agencies. 87.

56 Ibid. 68-84.

57 Annual Report of Superintendent of Common Schools. 1841. 21-22.

58 District School Journal. June 1 and July 1, 1842. Also, Randall, S. S.:
History of the Common School System of the State of New York. 156-160.

59 Minutes of the Regents. IV. 392-394.

60 Tbid.

61 Jbid. IV. 423-425.

82 Ibid. IV. 437-442.

88 Report of Superintendent of Common Schools, 1844. 30.

64 May, Samuel J.: The Revival of Education: An Address to the Normal
School Association, Bridgwater, Mass. August 8, 1855. 34.

65 Assembly Documents. 1844. V.

66 hid.

8% The report referred in this connection to the English dame who said, “It is
but little they pays me, and it is but little I teaches them.”

68 Finegan: op. cit. 104.

69 Laws of New York. 1844. ch. 311. 464.

70 Massachusetts Common School Journal. 1. 38.

“1 Fitzelle, Albert E: Origin and Development of the Normal School System of
New York State. (Unpublished manuscript.) 22.

72 Minutes of the Regents. III. 359-369.

78 Report of Professor Potter to Superintendent Spencer. Reprinted in Finegan,

OP £ite 74.
74 Ante.
75 Mann, Mary: op. cit. V. 221.
76 Ibid.
7 Fowler, William C.: “Influences of Academies and High Schools on Com-

mon Schools’. Introductory Discourse and Lectures of the American Institute of
Instruction. I. 202-204.

CHAPTER II
1 Minutes of the Regents. V. 3.
2Tbid. V. 6.
Si bid, VM. -6.

Randall: of. cit. 139-141.

5 Ibid. 139-140.

SIbid. 140.

7 Miner, R. T.: Dr. Alonzo Potter, Educator: A Review of His Life and His
Influence on Education. (An unpublished seminar paper submitted at the New York
State College for Teachers. 1937.)

8 Dictionary of American Biography. V. 565.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid. Ill. 466-467.

11“Instructions for the Better Government and Organization of Schools”.
(Pamphlet. )

12 Ibid.

13 French, William Marshall: “The First State Superintendent of Schools”.
School and Society. 47. (May 28, 1938) 687— 691.

{ 260 }


= Annual Report of Executive Committee of the State Normal School, 1845.
Minutes of the Regents. V. 35.

_ 1©Minutes of the Executive Committee. (All references to the minutes of this
committee are to the typewritten transcript of the original minutes. The original
minutes and the typewritten copy are in the possession of the State College for
Teachers at Albany. A duplicate copy in the possession of the authors.)

16 Potter, Alonzo: Report to the Superintendent of Common Schools, 1841.
Reprinted in Finegan, op. cit., 83.

17 Minutes of the Regents. IV. 392-394.

18 The term “‘experiment’’ was often applied to the school. For example, “The
establishment of one is but an experiment . . . which, if successful, will lead the
way to several others”. (Report of the Hulburd committee, 1844.)

19 Assembly Documents. 1844. V. No. 135. 75.

20 Ibid. 76.

21 Minutes of the Regents. V. 35-39.

22Mangun: op. cit. 219, 243.

[epimele: op. cit. 38.

24Finegan: op. cit., plate opp. 200; Stevens, Frank W.: The Beginnings of
the New York Central Railroad: A History. 73.

25 Stevens: op. cit. 29, 31, 39, 56.

26Report of Executive Committee to the Regents. 1845. Minutes of the
Regents. V. 35-39.

27 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 2.

pragn.. 3.

etitid. 5.

80 bid. 5-6.

81]bid. 6.

82 Ibid. 6. ‘
88 Ibid. 6-7.

84 American Journal of Education. Joc. cit.

35 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 7.

86 Currier, John J.: History of Newburyport. I. 320-321. Footnote 1.

87 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 8-10.

38 bid. 11.

89 Address of Colonel Young. Appendix to Report of Executive Committee.
Senate Documents. 1845. I. No. 24. 8.

40 “William F. Phelps”. American Journal of Education. V. No. 15. (1858)
831.

41 Phelps, William F.: “Two Chapters in the Early History of the State Normal
College”. The Echo. Wl. (November, 1894) 1-4.

42 [bid,

43 [bid.

44 Directories of the City of Albany. 1841-1842 ef seq.

45 Report of the Executive Committee. Minutes of the Regents. V. 95-109.

46 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 13.

4t Ibid. 13-14.

48 [bid. 14.

49 Tbid. 14.

50 Ibid. 18-19.

51 Report of the Executive Committee. 1846. Minutes of the Regents. V.
95-109. Italics appear in the original.

52 Report of the Executive Committee. Senate Documents. 1846. I. No. 32.
Document C.

58 Michelson, Donald David: The Contributions of William Franklin Phelps
to Public Education. Unpublished dissertation at George Peabody College for
Teachers. 1940.

Also, “William F. Phelps”. American Journal of Education. V. No. 15. (1858)
831.

54 Michelson: op. cit. 3

55 “William F. Phelps”. American Journal of Education. V. No. 15. (1858)
832.

56 [bid.

57 Ibid. Also, Michelson: op. cit. 9-13.

58 Michelson: op. cit. 14.

{ 261}


59 Senate Documents. 1845. No. 32.

60 Report of the Executive Committee. Senate Documents. 1845. I. No. 24.

61 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 21.

62 Report of the Executive Committee. 1846. Minutes of the Regents. V.
95-109.

68 Report of D. H. Little to Superintendent of Common Schools, 1840. Re-
printed in Finegan: op cit. 85-88. i

64 Annual Report of the Superintendent of Common Schools. 1842. 17.

65 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 20.

66 Report of the Executive Committee. 1846.

87 Ibid.

68 Catalog of the College. 1941.

69 Report of the Executive Committee. ~ 1847.

70 [bid. 1851.

71 Assembly Documents. 1852. V. No. 119. 8.

72 McKelway, St. Clair: “Some Open Questions About Normal Schools.”
Proceedings of the Convocation of the University of the State of New York.
Annual Report of Regents. 1884. 172.

78 Annual Report of Superintendent of Public Instruction. 1855.

74 An Historical Sketch of the ‘State Normal College at Albany, N. Y., and a
History of its Graduates for Fifty Years, 1844-1894. 135. (Hereafter referred to
as ‘Historical Sketch’’.)

75 Ibid. 97-100.

76 Tbid.

‘7 Report of the Executive Committee. 1884.

78 Annual Report of Superintendent of Public Instruction. 1878. 44—50.

79 Report of the Executive Committee. 1883. 8.

80 are C. W.: “Some Facts About Our Public School System” (pamphlet,
1878.

81 Report of Gilbert DuBois, superintendent in Ulster County, Oct. 30, 1844.
Quoted in Report of Superintendent of Common Schools. 1845. 358.

82 Report of the Executive Committee. 1845. Senate Documents. 1845. I.
No. 24.

83 Report of the Executive Committee. 1846. Minutes of the Regents. V.
95-109.

84 Ibid.

85 Tbid.

86 Report of the Executive Committee. 1848. Senate Documents. 1848.
No. 49.

87 Report of Superintendent of Public Instruction. 1858. 19.

88 Ibid. 1865. 41 ff.

89 Laws of New York, 1866. Ch. 466. 1015.

90 Annual Register and Circular of the State Normal School. 1848.

®1 American Journal of Education, quoted in the Payne edition of Page’s Theory
and Practice of Teaching. 16.

82 Annual Report of Massachusetts Board of Education. 1845.

93 Tbid.

94 Phelps, William F.: David P. Page. 34-35.

85 Boston, Recorder. April 19, 1839. Quoted in Mangum: op. cite 125.

%6 Payne edition of Page. Joc. cit.

®7 Albany Evening Journal. Quoted in Daily Herald. Newburyport, Mass. Jan.
7, 1848.

98 Payne: op. cit.

99 The Echo. May, 1896.

100"Payne. - op. cit.

101 Report of the Executive Committee. 1846. Minutes of the Regents. V.
95-109.

102 Register and Circular of the State Normal School. 1847.

108 [bid.

104 American Journal of Education. loc. cit. ;

105 Orations and Speeches of Edward Everett. II. 350-357.

106 Laws of New York. 1844. Oh. 311. 464.

107 Report of the Executive Committee. Senate Documents. 1845. I. No. 4. 5.

{ 262 }

Se

ee ee

BR EARL I RRM

20-20 RENN ECHO

; 108 Address of Colonel Young at opening of State Normal School, 1844.

‘Senate Documents. 1845. I. No. 24. 21.
_ 109Report of the Executive Committee. 1846.
110 [bid,
111 [bid.
112 [bjd,
148 Advertisement in the Barnes (1885) edition of Page’s Theory and Practice of

: - Teaching. Appendix 62.

114 French, William Marshall: “David Perkins Page’. Education. (Nov.
1934.) 155-158. :
24 Void. *,
116 Cf, Miller: Academy System of the State of New York. ch. 5.
ni oi of Executive Committee. 1846. Minutes of the Regents. V. 95-109.
id.
119 Thid,~
120 Ibid,
121 Register and Circular of the State Normal School, 1847. 23-24.
122 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 25. Also, Historical Sketch. 99.
128Annual Report of the Executive Committee of the State Normal School.”
District School Journal of the State of New York. IX. No.1. (1848) 11-12.
124 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 21.
725 Report of the Executive Committee. 1846.
126 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 25, 33.
127 Register and Circular of State Normal School. 1847.
128 Ibid.
129 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 26-27.
130 Tbid,
181 7bjg. 29-32.
182 Tbid, 49.
see atid. 45.
184 [bid, 46-47.
185 bid, 47.
186 Tbid, 60-61.
137 Assembly Documents. 1852. V. No. 119. 22.
igen Sketch. 1-3. Also, Minutes of the Executive Committee. 15, 34,
Mies pag 8
139 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 43—44.
_ 140 Reading Circle Edition of Page's Theory and Practice of Teaching, pub-
lished by C. W. Bardeen, Syracuse, N. Y., 1899. 18.
141 Page, David Perkins: Theory and Practice of Teaching. First edition.
Syracuse; Hall and Dickson. 1847.
142 Edited by W. H. Payne, professor of the science and art of teaching, Uni-
versity of Michigan. 1885. New York: A. S. Barnes and Company.
143 Winship. A. E.: Great American Educators. 83.
144 American Journal of Education. ;:
145 Manuscript letter from Fanny C. Webster to her parents at Westford, Otsego
County. Original presented to State College Library by John Gillespie of Albany.
146 Phelps, William F.: ‘Two Chapters in the Early-History of the State Normal
College”. The Echo. (Dec., 1894) 1-3. sa
147 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 70-71.
148 Jan. 7, 1848.
4° Excerpt from “In Memoriam. . . . Susan M. (Page) Currier, 1838-1910”.
Newburyport, Massachusetts. 1912. 5-7. Typewritten copy supplied to the
authors by Mr. Irving S. Cole of the Newburyport Public Library.
150 [bid.

CHAPTER III

1 Address by Chancellor Anson H. Upson at State Normal College. June 26,
1894. Historical Sketch. 30-35.
2The Echo. Wl. (Dec. 1894) 1-3.
8 bid.
ae Smith, T. G.: “Our History—Second Decade”. The Echo. II. (Feb., 1894)
2:
5 Historical Sketch. 4.

{ 263 }


6 Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography. IV. 729.
i ela by Colonel Young at opening of State Normal School. December 18,
‘ 1844.

8 Laws of New York. 1849. ch. 382. 536.

9Ibid. 1848. ch. 318. 446-447.

10]Tbid. 1844. ch. 311. 464.

11 Address by Emerson W. Keyes at State Normal College. June 28, 1894.
Historical Sketch. 73-90.

12 [bid.

18 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 66.

14 Laws of New York. 1848. Ch. 318. 446-447.

15 Historical Sketch. 4.

16 Senate Documents. 1850. No. 56. 8.

17 Historical Sketch. 4.

18 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 363.

19 Ibid. 90.

20 [bid. 95.

21 Laws of New York. 1850. ch. 89. 140-141.

22 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 114.

23 [bid. 179.

24 Address by Chancellor Anson J. Upson. Historical Sketch. 30-35.

25 Historical Sketch. 204.

26 Ibid. 4. Also, “A Son’s Tribute”, an address by Calvin C. Woolworth at
the Cortland Academy, Homer, N. Y. June, 1919.

27 Address by Chancellor Anson J. Upson. Historical Sketch. 30-35.

28 Address by Colonel Young at State Normal School. December 18, 1844.

29 Assembly Documents. 1853. II. No. 20. 6.

80 Report of Superintendent of Public Instruction. 1855. 13.

81 Gay, Martha Fearey: “Our History, 1850-1860". The Echo. III. (March,
1894) 8.

82 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 234-235.

83 Woolworth: op. cit. :

84 Gay, Martha Fearey: op. cit.

85 Assembly Documents. 1858. I. No. 25. 4.

86 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 284.

87 Captain Husted, quoted in A. W. Risley’s “The College in the Civil War’.
Finegan: op. cit. 201-205.

88 Risley, op. cit. Also, Minutes of the Executive Committee, 289.

89 Risley, op. cét.

40 Quoted by Risley, op. cit. 202. Original source not indicated.

41 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 289-290.

42 Ibid. 275.

48 Ibid. 279.
44 Ibid. 277-278.
45 Ibid. 281.

46 Ibid. 207, 236, 295. Also, Historical Sketch. 4.

47 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 297-298.

48 [bid. 307.

49 Ibid. 309-319.

50 Ibid. 319.

51 Michelson, op. cit. 163, quoting Salisbury, Albert: Historical Sketch of the
First Quarter Century of the State Normal School at Whitewater, Wisconsin. 5.

52 Michelson, Donald David: The Contribution of William Franklin Phelps
to Public Education. (Manuscript)

53 Historical Sketch. 30-35.

54 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 320.

55 Letter of Dr. Sheldon to Dr. Woolworth, Jan. 11, 1867. Autobiography of
Edward Austin Sheldon. 196-197.

56 Letter of Dr. Sheldon to Dr. Woolworth. Jan. 17, 1867. Ibid. 197-198.

: 57 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 320-321.

58 Ibid. 325.

59 Dictionary of American Biography. I. 147-148.

60 Historical Sketch. 206. eae :

61 Address by Chancellor Anson J. Upson. Historical Sketch. 30-35.

{ 264}


62 Graves, Willis D.: “Our History—Fourth Decade, 1870-1880.” The Echo.

eg I. (May, 1894) 8. The authors have taken this anecdote practically verbatim,
language often being identical.
8 Dictionary of American Biography. I. 147-148. \

_ 4 Address by Abram B. Weaver at State Normal College. June 26, 1894.
Historical Sketch. 25-28.
-% Dictionary of American Biography. I. 147-148. |
Bh of the Executive Committee. 358, 365, Also, Historical Sketch.
-®T Minutes of the Executive Committee. 382-387.
— 8 Ibid. 391-394.
89 Tbid. 494.
- Letter to the authors from Mrs. Frances Goodrich Ramsay ’83, Westport, N. Y.
Feb. 6, 1940.
_ "Minutes of the Executive Committee. 393.
_ “Alumni Association”. Historical Sketch. 21.
78 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 142-144.
4 Ibid. 231.
7 Finegan: op. cit. 196.
76“The Alumni Window”. Historical Sketch. 19-20.
17 Ibid. fi
78 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 554, 556. '
79 Historical Sketch. 5.
80 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 403.
81 Laws of New York. 1883. ch.
82 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 406-408. i
88 Horner, Harlan H.: The Life and Work of Andrew Sloan Draper. 207. - é
84 Addresses and Papers of Andrew Sloan Draper. 1909-1910. 18.
85 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 467, 471, 474, 483, 503-505.
86 Ibid. 476.
87 Ibid. 464, 482, 515. 1
88 Ibid, 470, 479. '
89 bid. 520. L
: 90Tbid. 532.
%17bid. 409.
82 7Tbid. 409.
93 Ibid. 416.
94 Historical Sketch. 279.
95 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 495, 536.
96 Annual Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction. 1887. 17.
97 Laws of New York. 1888. Ch. 334.
_ 98 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 560. Also, Historical Sketch. 188.
99 Letter to the authors from Mrs. Frances Goodrich Ramsay, '83. Feb. 6, 1940.
100 Historical Sketch. 97-350.
101 Letter to the authors from Mrs. Frances Goodrich Ramsay, '83. Feb. 6,
1940. :
102 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 541. e#. seq.
103 Ibid. 547. et Seq. }
: 104 Based upon the Annual Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction.
: 1893. 189.

CHAPTER IV

1 Pangburn, Jessie: The Evolution of the American Teachers College. 11. |
2 Original prospectus of Buffalo Normal School. 1871.
8 Annual Report of Brockport Normal School. Assembly Documents. 1868.

VIII. No. 81.
4 Annual Report of Oswego Normal School Assembly Documents. VIII. No.

82 :

5 Report of the Executive Committee of State Normal School at Albany. 1868.

6 Semi-Centennial Volume of Fredonia Normal School. 46.
7 Report of U. S. Commissioner of Education. 1885-1886. 397.
8Randall: op. cit. 118.

®Pangburn: op. cit. 11.

4 10 Annual Report of Superintendent of Public Instruction. 1886, 63-66.

[265 ]


11 Jbid. 1896. xxvii.
oy Addresses and Proceedings of the National Educational Association. 1907.

2,

18 Brubacher, A. R.: “What We Are Trying To Do.” New York State Edu-
cation. September, 1924.

14 Report of the Committee on Normal Education. Addresses and Proceedings
of the National Educational Association. 1892. 781-788.

15 Report of U. S. Commissioner of Education. 1888-1889. II. 1814.

16 Selligman, R. R. A., and others: “The Seminarium: Its Advantages and
Limitations”. Proceedings of the Convocation of the University of the State of
New York. 1892. 62-66.

17 DeGarmo, Charles, and others: “‘The German System of Normal Schools”.
Addresses and Proceedings of the National Educational Association. 1887. 484-
494.

18 Report of the Executive Committee of the State Normal School at Albany.
1891. 139-140.

19 Finegan: op. cit. 197. °

20 Draper, Andrew Sloan: Autobiographical Sketch. (Manuscript) Quoted by
Horner, op. cit. 67.

21 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 551.

22 Ibid. 551-553, 562.

23 Report of the Executive Committee of the State Normal School at Albany.
1891. 140-141.

24 Ibid. 140.

25 Tbid. 140.

26 Minutes of the Regents. March 13, 1890.

27 Report of the State Normal College. Annual Report of Superintendent of
Public Instruction. 1891. 141.

28 Minutes of the Regents. March 13, 1890.

29 Historical Statement. Catalog of the State College for Teachers. 1914-1915.
i

80 Circular of the New York State Normal College. 1891.

31 Report of the State Normal College. Annual Report of the Superintendent
of Public Instruction. 1892. 156.

82 Ibid. 1892. 158-160.

83 Ibid. 1893. 187-188. Also, 1894. 205.

34 Tbid. 1893. 202.

35 Ibid. 1895. I. 211-214.

36 Brubacher: op. cit.

87 Annual Report of the State Education Department. 1905. 262.

38 The Echo. I. (June, 1892) 4.

89 Meriam, J. L.: “New York State Normal College, 1897-1898”. (An unpub-
lished article prepared in 1942 by Dr. Meriam for the authors: Dr. Meriam was a
student at the college in those years. Original article in the possession of the
authors. )

#0 Addresses and Proceedings of the National Educational Association. 1895.
238—253.

41 Jbid. 1897. 711-712.

42Tbid. 1901. 636.

48 Tbid. 1901. 639-641.

44The Echo. I. (June, 1892) 4.

45 Circular of the State Normal College. 1894.

46 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 555.

47 Ibid. 557.

48 Laws of New York. 1889. ch. 529.

49 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 558-566.

50 Ibid. 562, 577.

51 Interview with Professor Adam A. Walker, December, 1942.

52 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 559-561.

53 Ibid. 564.

54 Ibid. 580-582.

55 Ibid. 581.

56 Ibid. 583.

57 Ibid. 584-592.

58 Ibid. 625-627.

{ 266 }


88 Tbid. 603, 613-617.

_ 60“Normal Building Burned 21 Years Ago’, an interview with Charles Wurth-
‘man, by Thelma L. Brezee, in the State College News, December 10, 1926.

61 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 631.

2 Ibid, 632-633.

88 Ibid. 633.
— 64 Ibid, 634-635.
85 Laws of New York. 1906. Ch. 435.
66 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 643-646.
87 Laws of New York. 1906. Ch. 435.
- 88 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 646.
6° Horner: op. cit. 207-208.
7 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 672.
1 Ibid. 653-655.
72 Ibid. 659.
™ Horner: op. cit. 208.
74 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 672.
Horner: op. cit. 208.
1 Ante,
_ New York State College for Teachers: Dedication of New Buildings. (The
program of the dedication, 1909).
78 Clipping marked “From Daily Press-Knickerbocker, October 29, 1909” in a
volume of memorabilia entitled “A Memorial Volume in Honor of William J.

’ Milne, Ph.D., LL.D.” collected by Mary A. McClelland, instructor in history and

college librarian. The volume is in the College library.

79 Tbid.

80 A dated but otherwise unidentified clipping in the Milne memorabilia volume
cited in note 78.

81 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 663, 669, 688-689.

82 Conversation with Dr. John M. Sayles. 1938.

883 Richardson, L. W.: “Review of Educational Career of President William J.
Milne”. American Education. October, 1914.

84 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 631-632.

85 Brubacher: op. cit.

86 Report of the Normal College. Annual Report of Superintendent of Public
Instruction. 1903. 488.

87 Annual Report of State Education Department. 1907. 473.

88 McGregor, D.: “Professional Training for Teachers of Secondary Schools’.
Addresses and Proceedings of the National Education Association. 1909. 581—
587.

88 Cornell University may be taken as an example. In his report of 1894-95,
President Schurman outlined a plan for a “school of pedagogy” that would be
analogous to the law school as then organized. It was primarily designed for the
preparation of secondary school teachers and school superintendents.

90 Annual Report of State Education Department. 1905. 261.

91 Jbid. 1905. 262.

92 Dearmont, W. S.: “To What Extent and In What Manner Can the Normal
School Increase Its Scholarship?” Addresses and Proceedings of the National
Education Association. 1903. 592.

93 Seerley, Horner H.: “Defects in the Normal Schools”. Ibid. 1002. 548.

24 etter of Assistant Commissioner Goodwin to Commissioner Draper. Dec.
13, 1905. Annual Report of State Education Department. 1907. 474-476.

95 Addresses and Proceedings of the National Education Association. 1915.
809-813.

96 Annual Report of State Education Department. 1907. 473. Also Minutes
of the Regents. Dec. 14, 1905.

97 Annual Report of State Education Department. 1909. 269.

98 Tbid. 1909. 227, 277.

99 Brubacher: op. cit.

100 Annual Report of State Education Department. 1909. 269.

101 Jbjid. 1908. 260-263.

102 Jbid. 1910. 290.

108 Jhjd. 1913. 152. Also, 1914. 174.

104 Minutes of the Regents. April 30, 1914.

{ 267 }


105 Catalog of New York State College for Teachers. 1933-1934. 12.

106 [bid, 675.

107 [bid. 675-678.

108 Tbjd. 682, 699, 708-709.

109 Tbjd. 690-692.

110 Jbjg. 687, 695, 701.

111 Jbid. 694-695.

112 [bid. 889.

118 [big, 702, 707, 717, 728-729, 741.

114 Historical Sketch. 36-38.

115 Graduation programs inserted in the minutes of the Executive Committee
each -year.

116 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 585. :

117 [bid

118 Minutes of the Regents. March 13, 1890.

119 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 590.

120 [bid. 853.

nes Minutes of the Executive Committee, 1324. Minutes of the Regents XXII.
176.

122 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 727, 730.

128In Memoriam: William James Milne, Ph.D. LL.D., 1889-1914. Bulletin
of the New York State College for Teachers, June, 1915. XI. 1. 6-7.

124 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 731-735.

125 [bid. 735. (The letter does not indicate where Mr. Ward was at the time.)

126 Brooklyn Eagle. Sept. 7, 1914.

127 Clipping in Milne memorial volume, State College library.

CHAPTER V
1 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 736. Minutes of the Regents. XIV.
377-579.
2Ibid. 973.

3 Letter from Mary H. Smith, secretary of the committee on membership and
maintaining standards, of the A. A. U. W., to Miss Martha C. Pritchard, professor
of librarianship at State College, dated October 13, 1939. Original in possession
of the authors.

4 Ibid.

5 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 1008.

6 Ibid. 1035.

7Ibid. 1038.

8 Ibid. 1123, 1145.

8Ibid. 741-743.

10 Ibid. 781, 937.

11 New York State Education. December, 1931.

12 Laws of New York. 1925. Ch. 685. 1134.

13 [bid. 1933. Ch. 211.

14 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 1340.

15 Tbid. 633, 708. Also, Who’s Who in America. 1936-1937. 196.

16 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 708, 720, 723, 727, 827, 836.

17 [bid. 837, 1040-1044.

18. Ibid. 1046.
19 Letter from Professor Clarence A. Hidley to the authors, March 4, 1941.

20 Statement by Dr. Harold W. Thompson, one of the faculty members of
Signum Laudis, at the society’s dinner, 1934.

21 Letter from Dr. Richardson to Dr. Finley, Feb. 24, 1916. Quoted in the
Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 796.

22 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 797-798.

23 Ibid. 798-799.
24 Newell, L. B.: “Remarks”. Proceedings of the Convocation of the University

of the State of New York, 1883; Annual Report of the Regents, 1884. 79.

25 Annual Report of the Education Department. 1910. 24-25.

26 Ibid. 1913. 97-98.

27 Journal of the New York State Teachers Association. October, 1923. 246-
255.

{ 268 }


28 The Announcer of the State College of Agriculture. June 1914.

29 Wiley, George M. and others: “State Summer Sessions: A Symposium”’.
Journal of the New York State Teachers Association. October, 1923. 246-248.
Also, Official Register of the New York State College for Teachers. May 1,
Ih fe ee

80 Official Register of the New York State College for Teachers. March 1, 1940.
18-23.

81]bid. April 5, 1918.

82 Ibid. May 1, 1920. 6.

83 Ibid. April 1, 1925. 5.

84 Annual Report of the Education Department. 1912. 164-165.

85 Ibid. 1914. 173-174.

86 Jbid. 1916. 85.

_ 8% Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 755-757.

88 Ibid. 757.

89 Ibid. 837, 857, 861.

40 Ibid. 876-879.

41 bid. 875-876, 952.

42 Ibid, 879-880.

43 Ibid. 883.

44 Ibid, 935-936.

45 Ibid. 759.

46 Ibid. 767-768.

47 Ibid. 778.

48 bid. 898. Laws of New York, 1920. Ch. 898.

49 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 915, 919-934, 956, 965, 970, 974, 992,
1029.

50 Ante.

51 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 1034.

52 Ibid. 1047, 1053-55, 1059, 1074, 1076, 1082, 1088, 1092-93.

88 Ibid. 1131, 1137.

547bid. 1140, 1149-50, 1160-61.

55 Ibid. 1196.

56 Ibid. 1149.

57 Ibid. 1098-99.

58 Ibid. 1099.

59 Ibid. 1103.

60 Laws of New York. 1920, Ch. 898; 1922, Ch. 837, 1923, Ch. 348; 1925,

_ Ch. 181; 1926, Ch. 360; 1927, Ch. 412; 1928, Ch. 430 and 75; 1929, Ch. 1484.

61 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 1195-96.

62 Tbid. 1236.

68 Brown, Lynn E.: Housing of Women Students at the Normal Schools and
Teachers Colleges in New York State. (Unpublished copy of Dr. Brown’s Ph.D.
Dissertation, New York University, 1933.)

64 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 769.

85 Ibid. 916, 930-31, 944.

66 Ibid. 946, 970, 972, 977-78, 1125.

87 Ibid. 1154.

88 Interview with Dr. John M. Sayles, January 4, 1944.

69 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 1205.

70 Jbid. 1205, 1211.

T1Jbid. 1233.

72 Ibid. 1244.

78 Jbid. 1058, 1074.

74 Ibid. 828-30, 832.

75 Ibid. 980.

76 Ibid. 1004-1006.

77 Ibid. 1006.

78 bid. 1017.

79 Tbid. 1053, 1056, 1089.

80 Jbid. 1137.

81Jbid. 1137.

82 Ibid. 1148-49.

88 Ibid. 775.

{ 269 }


84 Letter to the authors from C. J. Deyo, treasurer of the college. Jan. 19, 1942;
also Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 1310.

85 [bid, 1328.

86 Tbid. 1328, 1333-43.

87 Ibid. 1341-44.

88 [bid. 867, 889, 911.

89 Ibid. 1026. Also, Catalog of New York State College for Teachers, 1939.

90 Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 1167-69.

91 State College News. November 19, 1926.

82 The course, as given in 1937, is described in Problems in Teacher Training,
the Proceedings of the Eastern-States Association of Professional Schools for
Teachers. XII. 39-49. (Prentice-Hall), and in New York State Education.
xxiv: 1 (October, 1936.)

93 Minutes of the Board of Trustees, 1328-29, 1331-32, 1336. (Dr. Brubacher
had read and approved the tentative draft of the first three chapters, and a por-
tion of chapter 4 of this history of the college.)

94 State College News, Sept. 22, 1939.

CHAPTER VI

1 State College News. Sept. 20, 1940.

2Tbid. Oct. 25, 1940.

8 State College News. May 16, 1941.

4 State College News. Sept. 19, 1941.

5 The statements in description of this requirement are adapted from an article
by Dean M. G. Nelson, entitled “The Transition from a Four to a Five-Year
Program in New York.” Educational Outlook. March, 1942.

6 “Announcement, New York State College for Teachers. Important Changes in
Admission Requirements for January and September, 1943. (Pamphlet) 1942.

* Manuscript, “The New York State College for Teachers; Its Revision, Extension
and Reconstruction.” 1943.

8 Annual Report of the Dean (Manuscript). 1942.

® Annual Report of Teacher Placement. Appendix to Annual Report of President
to the Board of Visitors. (Manuscript) 1942.

CHAPTER VII

1Second Annual Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction. 1856.
214-94,

2 Historical Sketch. 124.

8 Quoted in The Student, A Monthly Magazine and Monthly School Reader.
New York: Denman, Calkins and Paine. V. 103. (February, 1849). This poem
was supplied to the authors by Professor Winfred C. Decker, who owns this
volume.

4 Historical Sketch. 99.

5 Brooks, Edward: Centennial Thoughts on Normal Schools.” Addresses and
Proceedings of the National Education Association. 1876. 157-167.

6 Historical Sketch. 170.

TIbid. 126.
8 Ibid. 118, 123.
®Ibid. 131.

10 Phelps, William F.: David P. Page. 36.

11 Michelson, of. cit.

12 Ibid. 168.

13 Historical Sketch. 141.

14 Hg from Professor F. C. Ensign to the authors, Sept. 20, 1940.

15 Tbid.

16 Letter from Mrs. Ellen H. Wells of Rochester, N. Y., to Dr. F. C. Ensign,
May 9, 1933.

17 Fickett, Edward W.: The History of Teacher Placement. a pamphlet pre-
pared for the National Association of Teachers Agencies. 1931. 9.

{ 2701


ee

18 Documents supplied to the authors by C. W. Mulford, Schermerhorn Teachers’
Agency, New York City. These documents comprise letters dated September 14
and October 20, 1931, between the Rev. Mr. Kenneth Mackenzie of Westport,
Connecticut, and Mr. Mulford. Mr. Mackenzie was a clerk in Schermerhorn and
Co. from 1869 to 1875.

19 Minutes of the Executive Committee. 53.
20 Letter to the authors from President W. R. Pate, Peru State Teachers College,

January 26, 1944.
21 McKenzie, J. M.: History of the Peru State Normal School.

22 Spalding, William A.: History of Los Angeles City and County. Il. 96-98.

{ 271]


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